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The Pilgrims 

and 

Their Religious, Intellectual 
and Civic Life 


By WALTER A. POWELL 

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Wilmington, Delaware 
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COPYRIGHT IN 1923 
By WALTER A. POWELL 


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Affectionately Dedicated 
To My Wife 
Ray Hayarick Powell 



Contents 


Chapters Page 

I. Protestantism in England. 11 

II. Religious Freedom in Holland. 21 

III. The Brownists or Separatists. 25 

IV. James the First and Protestantism. 31 

V. The Brownists or Separatists at 

Scrooby. 37 

VI. The Exodus. 41 

VII. Amsterdam and Leyden. 47 

VIII. Decision to Emigrate to the New 

World. 53 

IX. Patent Obtained for Land in Virginia 

and Contract With the Merchants.. 57 

X. The Departure. 65 

XI. Motive for Emigrating.69 

XII. The Compact. 77 

XIII. Plymouth. 85 

XIV. The New World. 91 

XV. The Years 1621-1623—The Famine.... 95 

XVI. John Pierce and the New Charter-99 

XVII. Complaints Against the Colony.103 

XVIII. The Adventurers Break With the 

Colony.Ill 


5 

















6 


CONTENTS 


XIX. Communism.117 

XX. A Monopoly of Trade in the Colony.. . .121 

XXI. Separatists are Brought from Leyden. .. 127 

XXII. Colonial Controversies and Appoint¬ 

ment of Commissioners for the 
Colonies.131 

XXIII. The Confederation.139 

XXIV. Death of William Bradford and De¬ 

cadence of Plymouth Colony.143 

XXV. Plymouth Incorporated in the Prov¬ 

ince of Massachusetts Bay in New 
England.149 

XXVI. Pilgrims and the Indians...153 

XXVII. King Philip’s War.167 

XXVIII. The Religious Life of Plymouth Colony ..173 

XXIX. Morals.185 

XXX. Ministers.193 

XXXI. Pilgrim Fathers as Missionaries.199 

XXXII. Religious Intolerance.203 

XXXIII. Education in Plymouth Colony.211 

XXXIV. Harvard College.221 

XXXV. Literature.229 

XXXVI. The Press.235 

XXXVII. Education and the Influence of Re¬ 
ligion on the Virginia Colonists.239 

XXXVIII. Conclusion.261 




















Introduction 


“AURING the reign of Queen Elizabeth in the latter 
" part of the Seventeenth Century, under the teaching 
and leadership of John Browne, a clergyman of the Estab¬ 
lished Church of England, some members of that Church 
withdrew from it, and with others organized a religious 
body, which became known as Brownists or Separatists. 
They were non-Conformists, and therefore under the 
ban of the English laws. 

In 1606, a Separatist Congregation was organized at 
Scrooby, England. In 1607 and 1608 about one hundred 
members of this congregation, under the leadership of 
their Pastor, John Robinson, William Brewster and 
William Bradford, fled from England to Amsterdam, 
Holland. After remaining in that city one year they 
removed to Leyden. 

About 1617, Pastor Robinson, William Brewster, 
William Bradford, John Carver and Edward Winslow 
conceived the idea of having this Leyden congregation, 
then numbering about three hundred, emigrate, and es¬ 
tablish a Colony of Separatists in America. This congre¬ 
gation of Separatists, however, refused to emigrate. 
Pastor Robinson and his associates persisted, and finally 
obtained the consent of about thirty-three persons from 
Leyden to emigrate, although they were not all Separa¬ 
tists—notably Captain Miles Standish and his wife Rose 


7 


8 


THE PILGRIMS 


The exact number of those emigrating from Leyden who 
were Separatists is not known. 

In August 1620, those from Leyden, viz:—twelve men, 
including the leaders—Brewster, Bradford, Carver and 
Winslow, six women, ten children and five persons named 
as servants, sailed in the Speedwell, a small ship, from 
Delft Haven, bound for the New World. The Speedwell 
sailed to Southampton, England, and was there joined by 
the Mayflower with eighty seven emigrants recruited in 
England, mainly by the Merchant Adventurers who fur¬ 
nished the money for the expedition, from all classes— 
some good and some bad and undesirable people. Very 
few, if any, of these emigrants were Separatists. It is 
not claimed for these recruits from England that their 
motive for emigrating was other than economic. 

On August 6, 1620, the Speedwell, with twenty emi¬ 
grants, a part of her passengers having been transferred 
to the Mayflower, and the Mayflower with one hundred 
people, sailed from Southampton. The Speedwell, how¬ 
ever, proved to be unseaworthy. After a second attempt 
to proceed, those in the Speedwell who still wished to 
emigrate were transferred to the Mayflower, and those in 
the Mayflower and Speedwell, to the number of twenty, 
who did not wish to proceed, with some of the weaker 
ones, were put in the Speedwell and returned home. The 
Mayflower then sailed alone for the New World with one 
hundred emigrants, including men, women and children. 

In the History of Plymouth Plantation William Brad¬ 
ford calls those who sailed in the Speedwell from Delft 
Haven “Pilgrimes.” 



INTRODUCTION 


9 


From this incident all of the emigrants who sailed in 
the Mayflower recruited in England of every type, as well 
as the small number of Separatists from Leyden, have 
been called “Pilgrims/' and invested with a religious 
character. 

There has been some confusion in the indiscriminate 
use of the terms “Pilgrim” and “Puritan,” as applied to 
the early New England Colonists. The Pilgrims were 
those who settled Plymouth Colony, in 1620, while the 
Puritans founded The Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1630- 

The History of Plymouth Plantation by William Brad¬ 
ford, The Plymouth Colony Records and the Ancient 
Laws of Massachusetts Bay Colony,—all original sources 
furnish quite a complete history of the Pilgrims from their 
beginning at Scrooby in 1606, until Plymouth Colony was 
merged in the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1691. In 
addition to these original sources, I am also indebted to 
many other writers and authors for much valuable in¬ 
formation. 

The Chapter on education and the influence of the 
Church in Colonial Virginia has been written because of 
so many references, generally disparaging, to these sub¬ 
jects by writers. By placing before readers conditions in 
both the Virginia and New England Colonies on these 
subjects, perhaps some erroneous and unjust impressions 
of Colonial Virginia may be corrected. 




Chapter I 

Protestantism in England 

T HE history of England in the sixteenth and seven¬ 
teenth centuries cannot be found alone in the study 
of its civil and political life. You must, also, turn to the 
history of the Church and religion. In fact, the history 
of the Church is inseparably interwoven with that of the 
political life of the nation. 

It cannot be claimed for religion that it, to any great 
degree, influenced or directed the spiritual life of the 
Rulers; but it did dominate their secular and political 
activities. 

The Reformation found its way into England; the 
teachings of Wycliff and Calvin found lodgement in the 
hearts of the people. The Supremacy of the Pope and 
Church of Rome was seriously threatened. The Roman 
Church had not been content within the confines of a 
spiritual sphere. Its ambitions and activities carried it 
into the civil and political life of England. It had lost 
sight of the fact that its work was with the moral, the 
religious and spiritual side of humanity. It had forgotten 
the mission of the Saviour to the World; that the way to 
the heart of humanity was through the story of the sac¬ 
rifices, sufferings and crucifixion of a Divine Christ. 

The religious fervor and enthusiasm that had converted 


11 


12 


THE PILGRIMS 


pagan England, that had inspired the building of monas¬ 
teries and cathedrals, had passed away and was only a 
memory. 

The Roman Catholic Church had lost its Christ. 

The Church, through its priesthood, had acquired vast 
bodies of land, and had built great monasteries and 
beautiful cathedrals; it had grown rich, powerful, cruel, 
and aggressive in England. The Pope aspired to shape 
the political destiny of the nation. 

The spiritual head of the Church, he had also become 
the invisible Ruler of the temporal and political powers 
under many of the Rulers of England. These were the 
conditions when Henry the Eighth came to the English 
throne. 

In 1534, Henry declared himself not only the temporal 
Ruler of England, but, also, supreme as the spiritual head 
of the Church and Clergy. No one has ever claimed for 
him that he was actuated by a high and holy purpose, or 
by any motive other than that a new face had caught 
his wandering fancy. His heart had never known the 
gentle and purifying influence of Christ. He was selfish, 
coarse, cruel, brutal and licentious. He was not a spiritual 
convert to a faith in a Divine Christ. The act of the King 
in declaring himself the spiritual head of the Church in 
England was neither religious nor spiritual; his motive was 
purely selfish, temporal, and political. The immediate 
cause of the deposition of the Pope was his refusal to allow 
Henry to divorce his Queen Katharine, a faithful wife, 
and a Catholic. 

In 1534, Parliament passed an act confirming the King’s 



PROTESTANTISM IN ENGLAND 


13 


title as Supreme Head of the Church. In 1535, an Act 
was passed requiring the Priests to swear allegiance to the 
King “in derogation of the Pope’s authority.” Some 
Priests refused to take this oath, and were promptly 
beheaded; “From persecutors they suddenly sank into 
men trembling for their lives.” 

“The English Church was now hailed as Protestant.” 

By the will of the King, and through an Act of Parlia¬ 
ment, the English Protestants became orthodox:—the 
adherents to the Church of Rome were now heretics, 
hunted, persecuted, and suffering the cruelties which they 
had formerly inflicted upon the Protestants. 

It was not the purpose of the King to make changes 
in the Churches. Henry simply assumed the position as 
the spiritual, the Supreme Head of the Church, displac¬ 
ing the Pope. Nor did he make any changes either in 
the Clergy, except in those who refused to take the oath 
of Supremacy, or in the form of Church worship. The 
Protestants, however, soon began to desire a change in 
the form of worship and in the church service books, 
because the old service smacked too much of Popery. 
In 1548, the “First Book of Common Prayer” was adopted, 
providing a form of Church service. The Act of Uni¬ 
formity required that the service of the Church should 
conform to this “First Book of Common Prayer.” 

In 1547, Henry the Eighth died, and his son Edward 
succeeded him on the throne of England. As Edward 
had been under Protestant influence, his short reign was 
Protestant. 

In 1552, Parliament passed a second Act of Uniformity, 



14 


THE PILGRIMS 


also an Act removing the ban on the marriage of Priests, 
and requiring laymen to attend common prayer on Sun¬ 
days and holidays. 

King Edward died in 1553, and Mary, the daughter 
of Henry the Eighth and his former wife Katharine, suc¬ 
ceeded him. Mary, like her mother, Katharine of Aragon, 
was a Catholic. 

A complete reversal of conditions, both religious and 
political, followed. Catholicism was again in the as¬ 
cendancy in England; London alone remained true to 
Protestantism. Those Priests who had married “were 
driven from their churches, the new Prayer Book was set 
aside and the mass restored.” The crowning blow to 
Protestantism was now dealt by Queen Mary. She 
married her cousin Philip of Catholic Spain. Her mar¬ 
riage was followed by a most bloody and cruel persecu¬ 
tion of the Protestant “heretics.” Through a Priest, 
brought from Catholic Spain, an attempt was made to 
introduce the inquisition with all its horrors, into England. 

The Pope was again supreme; Protestantism was 
crushed. 

In 1559, Queen Mary died, and Elizabeth, the daughter 
of Henry the Eighth and Anne Boleyn, succeeded her as 
Queen of England. She had been brought up under 
Protestant influences. Again was there a reversal of con¬ 
ditions, both religious and political, in England. Catholi¬ 
cism, and its religious and political adherents were de¬ 
throned; Protestantism was again ascendant. Queen 
Elizabeth became the Supreme Head of the Church—the 
spiritual as well as the temporal Ruler of England. 



PROTESTANTISM IN ENGLAND 


15 


In 1559, Parliament passed Acts requiring every one 
to take an oath declaring that Elizabeth was the Supreme 
Head of the Church, and providing for uniformity of 
service in worship. Some changes were made in the “Book 
of Common Prayer” to conform to the wishes of Re¬ 
formers in matter of service, but “the services prescribed 
in this Book of Common Prayer, and none other, were to 
be lawful.” The Clergymen who adopted any other, even 
in private chapel, committed a crime. “Every one must 
go to church on Sunday and bide prayer and preaching.” 
“The whole of the Clergy that had been Roman Catholic 
under Queen Mary, save two hundred, submitted to the 
Act of Supremacy and adopted the Prayer Book.” 

Now, that the Protestants felt safe under the protection 
of the Queen with their adherents in high places, dissen¬ 
sions and bitter controversies soon arose within their own 
ranks. These contentions and dissensions, mostly over 
non essentials and trivial matters, were scarcely less bitter 
than those between Protestants and Catholics. Green 
says of Queen Elizabeth, “No woman ever lived who was 
so totally destitute of the sentiment of religion.” She 
could not understand, and took no part in the bitter 
theological controversies that raged around her, either 
between those in the Church or with the Roman Catholics. 
“The spiritual problems which were vexing the minds of 
those around her were not only unintelligible, they were 
ridiculous. ’’ Neither Protestant nor Catholic could under¬ 
stand this indifference of the Queen. The result was that 
religion, both in the Clergy and Laymen, became decadent. 

The Protestant Clergy were becoming intolerable by 



16 


THE PILGRIMS 


their violence and greed. They plundered the Church 
Estates; the wives of the Clergy began cutting up the 
gorgeous vestments of the old worship into gowns for 
themselves; “the old altars were broken down and the 
communion table was often a bare board upon trestles," 
and at least a third of the parishes were without Clergy¬ 
men. Under these conditions the people soon “were found 
to be utterly devoid of religion." Elizabeth realized these 
conditions. She desired, most earnestly, tolerance in the 
church, and to bring peace and tranquility to a disturbed 
and distressed nation. She endeavored to correct the 
abuses of the Clergy; she stopped the plunder of the 
churches, and filled the vacant Sees with “learned and 
able men;" she wished the people to be won back to re¬ 
ligion and the church for the good of the nation. 

Religious peace was beginning to settle down upon 
England, when the Pope forbade the presence of Catholics 
at the new worship, “notwithstanding the laws requiring 
them to attend church on Sunday and abide prayer and 
preaching." Finally, Rome issued “a bull of excom¬ 
munication and deposition against the Queen." Eng¬ 
land was again thrown into confusion and religious tur¬ 
moil. The rebellious Catholics were ruthlessly pursued 
and punished by imprisonment and death. During her 
reign two hundred Catholic Priests were executed, and a 
greater number perished in filthy fever stricken jails. 

Whatever may be said of the religious indifference or 
of the morals of “Good Queen Bess," she brought peace 
and prosperity to England. Her reign was the “Golden 
Age" of literature, refinement, prosperity, wealth, peace 



PROTESTANTISM IN ENGLAND 


17 


at home, and splendor abroad. Roman Catholicism de¬ 
clined,—“England became firmly Protestant;” the Bible 
was open to all; everybody who could, from the noble to 
the peasant, read it, and to those who could not, it was 
read by others; men could be found reading it in public 
places to the crowds gathered around them. It pro¬ 
foundly affected the character and social life of the people; 
it stirred the moral and religious nature to its very depth; 
its influence was elevating, purifying and ennobling. 

For the first time, the English people stood face to 
face with their Christ, and saw the beauty of his character 
and life. They caught a vision of the cross, of his death, 
of the resurrection and immortality. 

Green says, that “a new conception of life and of man 
superceded the old.” “A new moral and religious impulse 
spread through every class.” It was not alone the moral 
and religious nature that was affected by the open Bible. 
The cultural and intellectual life of the people found 
inspiration in reading its pages. Only a few had a knowl¬ 
edge of the Classics of Greece and Rome, but the litera¬ 
ture of the Bible was free and open to all; it was a store 
house filled with the richest literary treasures; it deeply 
influenced the intellectual life and work of the student, 
scholar and writer of the Elizabethan Age. The Bible 
from a literary standpoint, was the greatest of all influences 
that produced the “Golden Age of Literature” in England. 

However, as the years went on apace they felt less and 
less the influence of the gospel of the New Testament; 
they lost the vision of the Christ; many became dissenters, 
and turned to the religion of the Old Testament; the 



18 


THE PILGRIMS 


Mosaic laws became their guide and rule of life; the God 
of Moses became their God. The Puritan became the 
stem, gloomy fanatic of the seventeenth Century. All 
beauty excluded from his life, the tenderness and human 
sympathy gone from his heart, his life became “hard, 
rigid, stem and colorless.’’ 

The Reformers, feeling that Protestantism was in the 
ascendancy, and safe from Roman Catholicism and its 
persecution, soon began to sow the seeds of discord within 
the Established Church. The English Church became 
torn by dissensions, not over the fundamentals of religion, 
but over the form of worship, service and church govern¬ 
ment. 

Many Protestants had fled from England to escape per¬ 
secution under Queen Mary and Philip of Spain. They 
found refuge in Switzerland, where they fell under the 
influence of the teachings of Calvin and others of the 
Presbyterian faith. The English Church in matter of 
faith, largely accepted the Calvinistic doctrine of pre- 
destination. But Calvin further taught that the form 
of worship should be of the simplest, and that everything 
that “savored of Popery” should be eliminated. 

As the years went on many of the Reformers, both 
among the Clergy and Laymen, under the influence of 
Calvinism, claimed that too many of the ceremonies and 
services of the Popish regime were still retained; that 
abuses had crept into the Church. They objected to the 
images and to the crucifix, to the use of the surplice, the 
sign of the cross in baptism, the ring in marriage, kneeling 
to receive the sacrament, the liturgy and the Book of 



PROTESTANTISM IN ENGLAND 


19 


Common Prayer; they maintained that these were relics 
of Popery and should be abolished. “Some of the Clergy 
wore the habits, others laid them aside; some wore a 
square cap, some a round one, some a hat; some used 
the sign of the cross in baptism, some did not; communi¬ 
cants received the sacrament kneeling, sitting or standing, 
as the minister saw fit.” The images were broken and 
the crucifix abandoned; there was no longer uniformity 
of service in the churches. 

There was a body of Clerical bigots who were not con¬ 
tent with abolishing the form of worship and church 
service. They proposed to establish in England a Church 
modeled on the Calvinistic plan, i. e., that each congre¬ 
gation had the right to organize its own Church, elect 
its own minister, and abolish all form and ceremony. 

The most radical of these clericals was Thomas Cart¬ 
wright, a scholarly and learned man, a Professor of Divin¬ 
ity at Cambridge. He had studied in Geneva under 
Calvin, and returned to England a fanatical bigot. He 
taught and preached against the form of worship and the 
ceremonies of the Established Church; he assailed the 
Episcopal form of Church government; he advocated the 
substitution of the Presbyterian form of government for 
that of the Established Church, viz:—that members of 
each church should select the minister, and adopt their 
own form of worship and church government; the Acts of 
Supremacy and Uniformity passed by Parliament were to 
be ignored. This was a direct attack upon the Supre¬ 
macy of Queen Elizabeth as the Head of the Church. 
He taught, preached and wro^e “that the absolute rule of 




20 


THE PILGRIMS 


the Presbyters was established by the word of God;” 
that all others “were to be ruthlessly put down”; “that 
heresy was to be punished by death”; that the Presby¬ 
terian Church was to be supreme even to the State. His 

4 

teachings were abhorrent and seditious. He was obliged 
to flee to escape prosecution and imprisonment. He found 
refuge in the Netherlands, where he continued his seditious 
attacks upon the English Church and laws, both by pam¬ 
phlet and preaching. 

Some radicals, among the Clergy and some Laymen, 
adopted these views, but the great body of the people, 
though Presbyterian in faith, remained loyal to the Es¬ 
tablished Church. They believed that while reforms were 
necessary, yet the Church should be purified from within, 
and not by a separation. These intelligent and better 
classes had no thought of forming a separate Church. 
The Established Church had proven too great a blessing 
to the thinking people of England for them to desire a 
separation from it; it had saved them from Catholicism 
and its cruelties and evils. 

The name “Puritan” was given to these reformers 
within the Church. It was, however, nearly half a century 
later that these Puritans withdrew from the Mother 
Church, and established an independent Church. 



Chapter II 

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN HOLLAND 

I N ORDER to trace the history of the Pilgrim Fathers 
back to their origin, a brief outline of the religious 
conditions in Holland is here given. 

The bitter war, which Catholic Spain had waged against 
the Netherlands, had failed to crush Protestantism there. 
The Netherlands had become the refuge and asylum of 
every sect bearing a religious label. Even their ancient 
enemy, the Roman Catholics, were tolerated. It mattered 
not how crude the creed, nor how fantastical, or fanatical 
their preaching or conduct; there they found toleration, 
liberty of conscience and freedom of worship. 

Amsterdam had become “the Fair of all sects where 
all the Peddlers of Religion have leave to vend their 
toyes.” Romanists, Jews, Calvinists, Armenians, Luther¬ 
ans, Anabaptists, Quakers, Familists, Antinomians, and 
Separatists or Brownists, were at liberty to adopt any 
form of worship, or engage in any rite or practice in the 
name of religion, without interference from the State. 

Holland has been called “a nest of unclean birds,’' so 
low and revolting were some of the rites and practices 
of some of these sects. A few illustrations will suffice to 
show these religious conditions. 

The Antinomians denied that an elect person sinned, 


21 


22 


THE PILGRIMS 


even when committing acts in themselves gross and evil. 
They believed that the spiritual being is unaffected by 
action of matter; that carnal sin, at the worst, is only a 
form of bodily disease; that a child of God cannot sin, 
that the moral law is altogether abrogated as a rule of 
life.” 

The Familists were a sect founded by Henry Nicholas, 
the Apostle of “Service of Love.” The charge was made 
that the sect denied the Divinity of Christ. Nicholas 
claimed that he was superior in that, “Moses only preached 
hope, Christ faith, but he preached love.” He claimed 
inpeccability, and no charge against his morals was ever 
sustained. It was said, however, that some of his followers 
interpreted love “as license.” 

The Anabaptists first appeared in Wittenburg in 1521. 
This sect, through a depraved and fanatical leadership, 
practiced the lowest forms of vice in the name of religion. 
John Matthiszoon, a baker of Haarlem, became its chief 
prophet in Holland. He became obsessed with the fana¬ 
tical idea that he was a second Gideon. He, with thirty 
followers, marched around the walled city of Muenster, 
blowing their horns, expecting the walls to fall. The walls 
failed to respond to the tooting of the horns, and Mattis- 
zoon and his followers paid the penalty for their insane 
attempt to destroy the city with their lives. 

John Boccold of Leyden, called John of Leiden, a tailor, 
was the chief disciple of Matthiszoon. He gathered 
around him a large fanatical following. They attacked 
and captured the city of Muenster, which he called New 
Zion. He declared that he was the successor of King 




RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN HOLLAND 23 


David; that, in a vision which he had received from heaven 
he and his people were commanded to live in this New 
Zion as King David and his people lived in Zion. He 
thereupon established himself in a palace and demanded 
that Royal honors should be paid him; he legalized 
polygamy and took fourteen wives himself, the “chief of 
whom was the beautiful widow of Matthiszoon.” She 
was “called Queen and wore a golden crown.” 

The city soon became a scene of unbridled licentious¬ 
ness, profligacy and murder. They “confiscated property, 
plundered churches, violated females and murdered men 
who refused to join their gang.” 

The City was besieged and captured by the Bishop of 
Muenster after a year’s siege. During this siege, the 
people were reduced to the direst distress. It was said 
that even cannibalism was practiced. After the City was 
captured great numbers of the fanatical followers of Leiden 
were executed; others fled and sought refuge in the Nether¬ 
lands. While these refugees abandoned some of the licen¬ 
tious practices and teachings of John of Leiden, yet on 
one occasion in Amsterdam seven men and five women, 
religious fanatics, rushed naked through the streets 
crying “woe, woe, woe; the wrath of God, the wrath of 
God.” This public exhibition was, however, going too 
far; they were arrested and two of them were executed. 

It was in this country of religious tolerance, that the 
Separatists found refuge when they fled from England. 

In 1549, a body of these Anabaptists appeared in Lon¬ 
don. Later on, a number of them came from Holland to 
England as weavers in factories, and settled in Norwich. 



24 


THE PILGRIMS 


They organized an Independent Church, selected their 
own minister and adopted a form of worhsip. They 
proclaimed the doctrine of no trinity of person, no infant 
baptism, no ritual, no conformity, and separation of 
Church and State. They declared ‘That Christ was only 
a holy prophet and not at all God; that he only taught 
the way to heaven.” They adopted the Old Testament 
as their Bible and guide. 



Chapter III 

THE BROWNISTS OR SEPARATISTS 

R OBERT BROWNE, one of the radical clergymen of 
the Established Church, was the first English clergy¬ 
man to preach, openly on English soil, the extreme 
doctrine of separation of Church and State. About 1580, 
Browne went to Norwich, and took charge of an English 
congregation. He there found these Anabaptist weavers 
from Holland, and fell under the influence of their teach¬ 
ings. He soon began to preach and teach, to his English 
congregation, the Anabaptist’s doctrines, i. e.:—that the 
State had no right to regulate the religion of the subjects; 
that the congregation should separate from the Church 
of England, adopt its own faith, form of worship, church 
government and elect its own minister. Many members 
of the English Church accepted his teachings, and aban¬ 
doned the Established Church. 

The authorities could not permit the teaching of these 
doctrines. Browne was guilty of treason to the Queen 
and the Church. He fled from England to escape arrest, 
and sought refuge in the Netherlands, where he organized 
an Independent Church. While in Holland, he wrote 
several books that were printed and sent to England. 
They were so revolutionary and seditious, that Queen 
Elizabeth issued a proclamation against them. 


25 


26 


THE PILGRIMS 


Browne soon quarrelled -with his congregation in Hol¬ 
land, and after two years returned to England, made his 
peace with the Mother Church, and was given a parish, 
which he served for forty years. “He has been called 
the Benedict Arnold of Ecclesiastical History.” 

Browne was the Founder of the religious body in Eng¬ 
land known as the Separatists or Brownists, based on the 
doctrines of the Anabaptists of Norwich. From this body 
sprang the Pilgrim Fathers who settled Plymouth. 

Through the influence and preaching of Browne, other 
Separatist congregations sprang up in London, Gains¬ 
borough, Scrooby and in other parts of England. They 
gained many adherents among the lower classes. They were 
ignorant, fanatical, religious zealots. Bacon says of them 
“that they were a silly and base lot.” They were the 
victims of leaders, who in nearly every instance, aban¬ 
doned them after a few years. 

Ignorance does not make for self control. Bigotry and 
fanaticism are intolerant of the restraints of law, no 
matter how necessary to the peace of the country. Some 
of these Separatists created disturbances by holding public 
meetings and preaching their doctrine in the streets of 
London. They claimed the right to worship wherever, 
and in any manner they pleased. They attacked the 
ecclesiastical supremacy of the Queen and the National 
Church. 

“Good Queen Bess” had too great a hold upon the affec¬ 
tions of the people for them to tolerate these public 
attacks. They had not forgotten the attempt to institute 
a Spanish inquisition under her Predecessor, Queen Mary; 



THE BROWNISTS OR SEPARATISTS 21 


they remembered that she had saved them from Roman 
Catholicism. 

One of these public meetings is described as a “tumult 
in Fleet street raised by the disorderly preachments, 
prating and prattlings of a swarm of Separatists, in course 
of which one Separatist, when caught alone, was kicked 
so vehemently as if they meant to beat him in a jelly.” 
These fanatical zealots mistook their preachments and 
extravagance of conduct for an expression of true piety 
and religious zeal. 

Two men, John Copping, a shoemaker, and Elias 
Thacker, a tailor, were arrested and imprisoned for “violat¬ 
ing the ecclesiastical law.” It appears that they were 
treated kindly in their imprisonment; they were allowed 
to continue their efforts while in prison “to improve the 
spiritual condition” of their fellow prisoners without hin¬ 
drance from the authorities. They were not content, 
however, but began distributing the seditious pamphlets 
and writings of Browne; this was treason. The two men 
were hanged as an example to prevent “the spread of this 
dangerous infection. 

Some of the clergy of the Church and laymen denied 
the supremacy of the Queen and refused to conform, 
persistently defying the laws of England. Some were 
arrested and suffered the penalties of the law. The punish¬ 
ment of these radical clergy and laymen was often too 
severe; but they were not martyrs; they were only law 
breakers. 

These Separatists were regarded by the great mass of 
English Protestants much as we regard some religious 



28 


THE PILGRIMS 


fanatics of our day. Through their antics and extrava¬ 
gant conduct on the streets they had become a public 
nuisance. They were the “holy rollers” of the sixteenth 
century. 

The Constitution of our United States provides that 
“Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment 
of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.’’ 
Notwithstanding these wise provisions of our forefathers, 
both in Federal and State constitutions, to divorce 
religion from the State, and to guarantee to every man 
the right to worship God, both in form and in faith, 
according to the dictates of the individual conscience, yet 
many bodies, claiming to be religious, have sprung up, 
that have been obnoxious, either in their practices or 
doctrines, to our people, to the laws and to God. 

The most notable instance has been the case of the 
Mormans. They were driven out of Missouri, even before 
Joseph Smith had his pretended revelation sanctioning 
polygamy, because of their extravagant and fanatical 
religious views. They went to Nauvoo, Illinois, where 
Smith claimed that he had received a revelation sanction¬ 
ing polygamy, and where they began its practice. The 
people arose, killed Smith, and drove his followers out of 
the State. Under Brigham Young as their leader, they 
traveled in the middle of winter across the plains to Utah. 
Except for the leaders—Smith, Young and others, these 
Mormans were poor, uneducated, ignorant, superstitious 
and credulous. They had unquestioning faith in the pre¬ 
tended revelations of Smith and other leaders. These 
misguided, credulous souls were hunted down, driven from 



THE BROWN I STS OR SEPARATISTS 29 


place to place, and suffered poverty, cold, hunger and im¬ 
prisonment. They claimed that, under the guarantees of 
our Federal and State constitutions and laws, they had 
the right to religious liberty and freedom; The Old Testa¬ 
ment was their guide, and it sanctioned the practice of 
polygamy. Their religious doctrines and practices, both 
before and after the adoption of polygamy, were a menace 
to the peace, happiness, moral and religious welfare of 
our people. Though they claimed their treatment was 
persecution, yet we know that they were not martrys, 
but disturbers of the peace, and breakers of the moral 
and civil laws. 

These Separatists, though moral and religious, were not 
martyrs. They were willful transgressors of the laws of 
England, which they invoked against the Catholics while 
claiming exemption therefrom for themselves. With the 
fanatical persistence of the ignorant, they insisted on 
suffering a self-imposed martyrdom, rather than obey the 
laws, even though the penalty was imprisonment and 
sometimes death. 

The English Church had opened the “Sealed Book” 
to all people in England; it had a supreme and unquestion¬ 
ing faith in the Christ of this “Book.” The Church 
believed and taught the truths of the Christian religion. 

The reasons for this separation from the Established 
Church were not fundamental or vital. No question of 
faith, creed or theology was involved. It was simply a 
question of the form of worship and of church government. 




Chapter IV 

JAMES THE FIRST AND PROTESTANTISM 

QUEEN ELIZABETH died in 1603. 

At the time of her death, there were four different 
religious classes in England:—viz, the Catholics, the 
members of the Established Church who believed in the 
supremacy of the Queen and uniformity of church service, 
those members of the Established Church who believed 
in the supremacy of the Queen, but who opposed the ser¬ 
vices and ceremonies of the church, and the Brownists 
or Separatists. 

James the First of Scotland, son of Mary Stuart, suc¬ 
ceeded Queen Elizabeth. Though his mother was a Roman 
Catholic, yet James had been brought up under Presby¬ 
terian influences in Scotland, and was of the Scottish 
Kirk. He believed in the divine right of Kings,—that 
he was both temporal and spiritual Head of the English 
Nation. The Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity were 
rigidly enforced against the Catholics, notwithstanding 
the fact that his mother was a Catholic. 

Those Puritans, who were loyal to the Established 
Church, believed and insisted that reforms were necessary 
in the church service, ceremonies, and Book of Common 
Prayer, and to correct the abuses in the ministry and in 
the Church Courts. After James’ accession to the throne 


31 


32 


THE PILGRIMS 


a petition, signed by eight hundred clergymen, was pre¬ 
sented to him asking for reforms in those matters. They 
did not ask for any change in the organization or govern¬ 
ment of the Church. 

The King, finally, summoned a conference of Prelates 
and Puritan divines at Hampton Court. At this confer¬ 
ence he denied their petition. 

He would have no change in the Book of Common 
Prayer; they should conform or suffer the penalty. It 
was at this conference that the King said “I will make 
them conform or I will harry them out of the land.” 
He regarded this petition, not only as an attack on his 
supremacy as Head of the Church, but, also, as an en¬ 
croachment on his prerogatives and power as King. He 
lost the opportunity to reconcile the differences among the 
members of the Established Church. Had the King been 
more temperate in his treatment of these petitioners, had 
he been willing to compose the differences in the Church 
by granting some needed reforms, he would have im¬ 
measurably strengthened himself both as temporal and 
spiritual Ruler of England. He adopted, however, a coer¬ 
cive policy. A new set of Canons for the Church was 
adopted. “The sentence of excommunication was now 
thundered against the nonconformists.” They were pro¬ 
hibited from affirming, “that the rights and ceremonies 
of the Church were erroneous, wicked or superstitious.” 
or “that the Book of Common Prayer contained anything 
repugnant to the scriptures.” They were forbidden to 
leave the “Communion of the Church or set up separate 
establishments.” Thus both Catholics, Puritans and 



JAMES THE FIRST AND PROTESTANTISM 33 


Separatists were “put under one common ban.” In a 
short time three hundred dissenting ministers “were 
silenced or deposed.” Some were cast into prison and 
some fled to Holland. 

James’ loyalty and attachment to the Established 
Church and Protestantism was political rather than re¬ 
ligious ; he regarded the Church as the bulwark of the throne. 

However despicable the character of James the First 
may have been, yet he was a scholarly man for the age in 
which he lived. To him must be given credit for the King 
James’s version of the Bible. Objections had been made 
by some of the leading Puritans to the translation of the 
Bible then used. They proposed that a new translation 
should be made. To this proposition the Archbishop and 
Prelates of the Established Church objected. King James, 
notwithstanding their opposition, appointed a commis¬ 
sion of fifty-four of the most learned men in England to 
make a new translation. They completed their work, 
and in 1611, gave to the world this incomparable version 
of the Bible. 

This translation has given us a clearer perception, and 
a deeper insight into the spiritual character of the prophets, 
the leaders and the chosen people of God. It has revealed 
to us their deep longing to know God. Whether writing 
of the problems which so deeply affect man—of human 
conduct, of life or death, or of God, there is revealed a 
depth of thought, a beauty of expression and style, a 
“poetic and lofty imagery,” that is unequaled. As 
Literature the King James’s version of the Bible has lived, 
through these three centuries, pre-eminent. 



34 


THE PILGRIMS 


The early Reformers and Puritans were not gloomy 
fanatics. They were mainly of the middle and professional 
classes, and of good social standing. They found pleasure 
in the beautiful; they loved and cultivated literature! 
poetry, “gravings, sculpture, music and all the liberal 
arts.” Milton’s father was a lover of music and was 
skilled on “lute and organ.” Milton, the “Latin Secretary 
of the Commonwealth,” was poet, musician and a lover 
of the beautiful. 

The writers of that age were profoundly influenced and 
inspired by the literature of the Bible. As Puritanism 
spread to other classes, they became sour, narrow, austere, 
believing that the beautiful shut them out from God. 
The radical Puritans were “not men of letters,” nor did 
they cultivate literature. 

Macauley says that “as a body, the Roundheads had 
done their best to decry and ruin literature.” 

The laws of Supremacy and Uniformity were enacted 
for the suppression of Catholicism, and to save Protest¬ 
antism; at that time only a united Protestantism could 
have survived in the land. Under these laws, Protest¬ 
antism had grown strong, secure and supreme. The 
Brownists or Separatists and the non-conforming Puritans 
owed their religious existence to these laws. By their 
refusal to conform, they put themselves in the same class 
with the Roman Catholics,—under the ban of the laws of 
Supremacy and Uniformity. 

Queen Elizabeth and King James have been charged 
with persecution in the enforcement of these laws. Three 
hundred years after, we know that the form of worship 



JAMES THE FIRST AND PROTESTANTISM 35 


or whether the clergy should wear the vestments, or a 
square, or round cap or hat, are trivial, and not funda¬ 
mental. Those were perilous times. We don’t realize 
that the throne of England was then involved; that 
the blessings of peace were best assured to the Nation 
by maintaining, with a firm hand, Queen Elizabeth and 
later King James, both as the temporal and spiritual 
Rulers of England. 

Cartwright and the Separatists would have placed their 
Church above the State. Dissension, discord and schism 
would have weakened and jeopardized Protestantism. 
Had either the Roman Catholics, Cartwright or the 
Separatists succeeded, civil war with all its horrors, in¬ 
tensified by religious fanaticism, would have resulted. 
The outcome would not have been in doubt. Protest¬ 
antism, jealous, controversial, intolerant, bigoted, fanati¬ 
cal, divided into many sects warring upon each other, 
would have fallen. Catholicism, united, bold, resourceful, 
able and powerful, would have won. The Pope and Rome 
would have again triumphed. England, politically, would 
have become Catholic. 

However firmly, we may now believe in the doctrine 
of separation of Church and State, it was a dangerous 
one to preach during the period of transition from Roman 
Catholicism to Protestantism. 

The House of Stuart was sympathetic toward Roman 
Catholicism. Nearly a half century of the follies, extrava¬ 
gancies, profligacy, sensuality, deceptions, intrigue and 
oppression of the Stuart Kings, was necessary to make 
English Protestantism strong enough to survive civil war. 



36 


THE PILGRIMS 


The rigorous insistence of James the First on the obser¬ 
vance of the laws of Uniformity, whatever his motive, 
was effective in suppressing Catholicism. 

Puritanism grew and spread among the people until 
“Merrie England’’ was transformed into the stem, gloomy, 
Cromwellian Commonwealth. But Protestantism had 
become supreme. Civil war and the beheading of Charles 
the First in 1649, could not dethrone it. 

The moral and religious effect upon the people of the 
“Open Bible” was to firmly establish a Protestant Eng¬ 
land. 



Chapter V 

THE BROWNISTS OR SEPARATISTS AT SCROOBY 

I N the latter days of Queen Elizabeth, the Separatists 
had been practically suppressed and scattered. 
Browne’s congregation at Norwich had disappeared. 
Some had joined the Anabaptists there, some returned to 
the English Church and others fled to Holland. There 
was, however, a congregation at Gainsborough, with John 
Smyth as pastor. The influence of Browne’s teachings, 
however, still remained. 

About 1600 or 1602, John Robinson, an English clergy* 
man, who afterwards became a leader in the Separatist 
Church at Leyden, came to Norwich. He was appointed 
to St. Andrews, an English Church in Norwich. He 
preached in this Church for about four years. But he 
had fallen under the influence of the Separatist teachings; 
while preaching in, and receiving his living from the Es¬ 
tablished Church, he became a non-conformist and Sep¬ 
aratist, and was suspended by the Bishop. Hearing of 
the Separatist congregation at Gainsborough he went there 
about 1604, and indentified himself with the movement. 
From that time until his death in Leyden in 1625, he 
devoted himself to teaching and preaching the Separatist 
doctrines. 

William Brewster, who afterward became prominent 


37 


38 


THE PILGRIMS 


in the Plymouth Colony in New England, lived at Scrooby, 
a few miles distant from Gainsborough. He occupied the 
important position of manager, under the Queen, of the 
mail and post station at Scrooby on the great highway, 
having been appointed to the position about 1590. Prior 
to this time he had been at Court in the service of Sir 
William Davison, “Elizabeth’s Great Secretary.” As 
manager of the Post he occupied the “Ancient Manor- 
House,” which belonged to the Archbishop of York. He 
was a member of the Established Church, but became 
interested in the Separatist movement, and joined the 
congregation at Gainsborough. 

William Bradford, then a lad of eighteen years, living 
at Austerfield, a few miles distant, was, also, a member of 
the Gainsborough congregation. Bradford afterwards be¬ 
came Governor of Plymouth Colony. 

In 1606, the congregation at Gainsborough divided into 
two “distinct bodys or churches.” One body, under the 
leadership of John Smyth, went to Amsterdam, where he 
organized an independent Church. The other body went 
to Scrooby, where a Separatist Church was organized 
with Richard Clifton as pastor. John Robinson went with 
the body to Scrooby, and soon succeeded Clifton as pastor. 

As early as 1603, William Brewster, though a member 
of the Established Church and occupying the official 
position as the Manager of the Post at Scrooby, was having 
the Separatists meet, in secret, in the Manor-House or 
bam—the property of the Archbishop. Here, the Scrooby 
congregation continued to meet and hold service in secret 
until they fled to Holland in 1607. 




THE BROWN I STS AT SCROOBY 


39 


Bradford, who went with the congregation to Scrooby, 
says, “they ordinarily met at his (Brewster’s) house on 
ye Lord’s day ** and with great love he entertained them 
when they came, making provision for them, to his great 
charge.” 

In order to obtain recruits to the Scrooby Church, 
Clifton and his successor,—Robinson, Brewster and 
William Bradford worked diligently among the ignorant 
laborers and peasants of the Established Church, and the 
poor families of the parish, to make converts to this 
Separatist Church. They proselyted, talked and preached 
against the forms and ceremonies of the Established 
Church; they said that the surplice, ring in marriage, 
sign of the cross in baptism and the images were supersti¬ 
tious and impious relics of Popery; that their use would 
consign the people to hell; that the King was not the 
spiritual Head of the Church; that the laws of Uniformity 
were unjust, and the punishment for failure to conform 
was cruel persecution. They were exhorted to accept the 
Old Testament as their guide, and to worship the pure 
gospel of the Bible as these leaders saw it. 

This playing upon the prejudices, their hatred of Popery, 
and the religious fears of ignorant people, made non¬ 
conformists of many. No writer has ever claimed them 
as converts from sin to a faith in Christ. They were only 
converts from the form of worship and church govern¬ 
ment of the Established Church to that of the Separatist 
Church. They abandoned the services of the Established 
Church; they refused to conform, and continued meeting 
in secret “in one place or another.” Bradford says, they 



40 


THE PILGRIMS 


were “watcht night and day,” and some were ‘‘taken and 
clapt up in prison,—and ye most were faine to flie and 
to leave their houses and habitations, and the means of 
their livelihood.” 

In 1607, the Post was taken from Brewster, because of 
his recusancy, and a keeper loyal to the Established 
Church was put in his place. Brewster, while occupying 
a confidential position in the service of Sir William 
Davison, Secretary of State of Elizabeth, had visited 
Holland with the ‘‘Great Secretary.” He then learned 
something of the religious freedom of the many sects in 
Holland. John Smyth had already taken a part of his 
Gainsborough congregation there. Robinson and Brews¬ 
ter now advised the Scrooby Separatists to flee to Holland. 



/ 


Chapter VI 

THE EXODUS 

R OBINSON and Brewster could have done no greater 
wrong to these poor, ignorant, helpless English 
laborers and peasants than to influence them to abandon 
their homes in England, and, without means, go to a 
foreign country with new customs, an unknown language 
and a strange people. 

Bradford says “it was much, ** being thus constrained 
to leave their native soyle and countrie, their lands and 
living, and all their friends and familiar acquaintance.” 
** “But to goe into a countrie they knew not, ** Where 
they must learn a new language, and get their livings 
they knew not how, ** subject to ye misseries of warr, 
it was by many thought an almost desperate adventure, 
a case intolerable and miserie worse than death, espetially, 
seeing that they were not acquainted with trads nor 
traffique, ** but had only been used to a plaine countrie 
life, and ye innocent trade of husbandry.” 

About one hundred of these separatist zealots were 
induced by Robinson to attempt to escape from England, 
and flee to Holland. Brewster, in the late summer of 
1607, arranged with a ship master to take them from 
Boston in Lincolnshire, England, to Holland. The Scroo- 
by Congregation was broken up; the remainder were 


41 


42 


THE PILGRIMS 


scattered, and many of them returned to the English 
Church. 

In 1693, Parliament passed an Act banishing the Separ¬ 
atists. Some, thereupon conforming, remained in Eng¬ 
land, but many of them went to Holland. These refugees 
in Holland began publishing seditious pamphlets and 
books advocating Separatist doctrines, and attacking the 
Prelates and the Established Church. England was 
flooded with this seditious literature. Appeals were made 
by the English to the Dutch authorties to suppress these 
publications, but they refused to interfere. In the year 
1389, an Act was passed, prohibiting emigration from 
England, except with a license. Archbishop Bancroft now 
determined to enforce this old law of 1389, which required 
a license to emigrate, and so prevent non-Conformists 
from going to Holland, and there publishing these sedi¬ 
tious utterances and flooding England with them. A 
passport was now required of all who desired to leave 
the Kingdom, or travel abroad. All Masters of ships 
knew these emigration laws, and were required to observe 
them at regular ports before sailing. 

Robinson and Brewster knew that passports would be 
required before the people would be allowed to sail from 
England. They determined to evade the laws and regula¬ 
tions of emigration. They therefore arranged to have the 
people evade the officers of the port, and go on board the 
ship, secretly, at a place other than the port. The people 
with their goods came to Boston, their regular port, and 
were taken on board “at a convenient place ** in ye 
night,” but were discovered by the officers of the port. 



THE EXODUS 


43 


Bradford says, they were betrayed to the officials by the 
“Maister.” They were taken, “stripte of their money, 
books, and much other goods,” and presented to “ye 
Magistrates, who used them courteously and shewed 
them what favor they could.” The Magistrates could not, 
however, release them “until order came from Counsell 
table.” After a month’s imprisonment, the order for 
their release came and they were all “except 7 of ye 
principal dismissed and sent to ye places whence they 
came.” 

This statement, coming from Bradford, of the attempt 
to evade the laws and regulations of emigration by board¬ 
ing the ship “at a convenient place in the night,” their 
discovery, arrest and imprisonment, their courteous treat¬ 
ment at the hands of the magistrates, their release and 
return to the places from which they came, strips the 
story of the universal sentiment accorded it, and makes it 
an ordianry account of an attempt to avoid the laws of 
emigration. Instances, and many pathetic stories of dis¬ 
tress and suffering, occur constantly in the enforcement 
of all, including our own, immigration laws. Some of the 
people, during the fall of 1607, escaped from England 
and went to Holland. Brewster was one of those retained 
in custody; he was punished for recusancy. 

In 1608, a second attempt was made to escape from 
England. An arrangement was made with a Dutch Cap¬ 
tain, whom they thought they could trust, to transport 
them to Holland. He was to take them on board his 
vessel at a point on the Humber river, “a good way dis- 
tante from any town”, in order to avoid the officers of 



44 


THE PILGRIMS 


the port. The women and children were to be taken by 
a boat to the appointed place, while the men walked 
overland. They reached this place the day before the 
ship arrived. The boat, with the women and children on 
board, put into a “creeke hard by” to escape the rough 
sea. When the ship came the next morning, the men 
were taken on board, but because of the low tide, the 
boat in the “creeke” with women and children, was “fast 
and could not stir until about noone.” While the women 
and children were being taken on board the ship, the 
master “espied a greate company ** with bills, and guns 
and other weapons, coming to take them.” The Dutch¬ 
man “waiged his anchor, hoysed sayles,” and sailed away* 
leaving behind the remainder of the women and children 
and some of the men. These were taken, and “hurried 
from one justice to another” by the constables “until they 
were glad to be ridd of them ** upon any terms. ” They 
were not imprisoned, but allowed to leave England, and, 
finally reached Amsterdam. 

It is with the greatest sympathy that we view the arrest, 
humiliations, sufferings and distress of these misguided 
and deluded people. In the quiet of the remote country 
district around Scrooby, they had lived in content and 
peace in their English cottages. They were from the 
humbler walks of life, poor, yet with enough to supply 
their wants. Though ignorant and impressionable, yet 
they had an unquestioning faith in the verities of the re¬ 
ligion of the New Testament taught by the Established 
Church. They were influenced to leave the Mother 
Church, and join this body of Separatists; they were 



THE EXODUS 


45 


deluded into leaving their homes on English soil, where they 
had lived in content and happiness, for lives of hunted 
violators of the law. They suffered imprisonment, humila- 
tion and shame; they were exiled from their old home; 
they became refugees in a foreign country, with different 
people, customs and language; they endured the hardest 
kind of labor and the greatest poverty. In all of their 
distresses, trials and sorrows, they found no peace or balm 
for their wounded souls. They had been turned from the 
gentler influences of the New Testament to the austere 
tenets of the Old Testament. Their faith had been 
rooted in the genial soil of the New Testament through 
the Mother Church; they were now transplanted to the 
cold, hard, stern soil of the Old Testament and Puritanism. 

The word Separatist meant, as Robison and Brewster 
taught, that these people had the right to withdraw from 
the Mother Church and meet as an independent con¬ 
gregation, select their own minister, and adopt their own 
form of worship. The preaching of these leaders was not 
of sin in their individual lives, but against a National 
Church and form of worship. They were not any more 
spiritual or purer in their lives as non-conformists than 
before their separation. Nor does the story of the Separa¬ 
tists either in Holland or in New England, manifest any 
spiritual elevation. 

No change in creed, doctrine, practice or form of worship 
is of any value unless it raises man to a higher moral 
and spiritual plane. The weaning of these Separatists 
from the Mother Church did not produce this result in 
their lives. 



46 


THE PILGRIMS 


We will not deify Robinson, Brewster and Bradford, 
who by playing upon the emotional and religious natures 
of these simple country folks, seduced them from the 
Mother Church, and subjected them to all of the miseries 
that followed them, both in Holland and New England. 



Chapter VII 

AMSTERDAM AND LEYDEN 

T HERE were two congregations of Separatists in 
Amsterdam before that one from Scrooby arrived. 
One of these came from London, in the latter years of 
Queen Elizabeth’s reign, with Henry Ainsworth and 
Francis Johnson as their preachers. The other was the 
Gainsborough congregation, which came in 1606, with 
the Reverend John Smyth. The Congregation from, 
Scrooby, which arrived in the latter part of 1607, and 1608, 
with John Robinson as pastor, worshiped in Amsterdam 
with the Gainsborough Church for about one year. They 
were “so poor in some cases as to be dependent on the 
charity of Holland.” 

These three congregations of Separatists were religious 
zealots, and not of the type to give promise of peace or 
harmony in their church life. They were uneducated, save 
for a few leaders, intolerant, fanatical, intemperate 
and without self control, even in their own respective 
churches. These self-exiled Separatists in Amsterdam, de¬ 
ceived by their leaders, had deluded themselves into 
believing that their sacrifices and sufferings were from a 
truly religious motive; that they had been elevated to a 
higher religious plane. They were mistaken; their motive 
was, simply, the stubborn zeal of the blind, unreasoning 


47 


48 


THE PILGRIMS 


fanatic. These Scroobyites did not find their brother 
Separatists in Amsterdam, dwelling in peace and harmony 
as brothers in Christ. There were contentions and dis¬ 
agreements, not only between the Churches, but between 
members of the same congregation. Bradford confirms 
the statement of other writers as to the contentious 
character of these Amsterdam Separatists. He says of 
them, that after about a year they saw that Mr. John 
Smyth and “his companie was allready fallen into con¬ 
tention with ye church that was there before them," 
** and “that ye flames were like to breake out in that 
Ancient Church itselfe, ** as afterward lamentably came to 
pass.” 

Mr. Robinson and others thought it best to remove 
“before they were in any way engaged with ye same.” 

Their contentions were very trifling, but magnified into 
sins and condemned as being contrary to the teachings of 
the Old Testament. The following is an illustration of the 
ridiculous character of their strifes. “Ye Ancient Church’’ 
—that is, the group from London under Henry Ainsworth 
and Francis Johnson, had what is termed an “old clothes 
controversy.” The Church was in a turmoil over the 
apparel worn by the wife of their pastor, Francis Johnson. 
They protested against “her gold rings, her busk, her 
whalebones, ** and her schowish hat.” “Many of ye 
saints were grieved” by these unsuitable garments. The 
pastor’s wife “became very peert and coppet” at these 
complaints. So the war waged hot between the members 
of the congregation over this “old clothes controversy.” 

John Smyth soon left his congregation, became a Baptist 



AMSTERDAM AND LEYDEN 


49 


and founded a Baptist Church in Amsterdam. This 
Church he, also, abandoned, and returned to London in 
1611 or 1612. The London and Gainsborough congrega¬ 
tions, distracted by their internal dissensions and religious 
strife, and deserted by their pastors, became scattered 
and disappeared altogether. 

Because of the quarrels and strife in the Amsterdam 
Church, the Scrooby congregation, consisting of about 
one hundred persons, with John Robinson as their pastor, 
after living in Amsterdam one year, left there and moved 
to Leyden. 

They did not find Leyden a haven of rest and religious 
peace. They were from the country where they knew 
only “y e innocent trade of husbandry.” They were un¬ 
accustomed to life in a city. Poverty and the hardest 
kind of manual labor became their portion; they worked 
in breweries, brick yards and factories; some became 
coopers, weavers and dyers. In order to keep the wolf 
from the door the boys and girls at the earliest age had 
to be set to work. Bradford says, however, that “at 
length they came to raise a competente and comfortable 
living, but with hard and continual labor.” Others 
came to them from England and other places until they 
had a congregation of about three hundred members. 

Bradford says that “they lived together in peace, in 
love and holiness.” Notwithstanding this statement, we 
find that these Leyden Separatists were of the same narrow 
type as those in Amsterdam. Controversies, contentions 
and disagreements arose and “offences broke out.” If 
they could not be composed, “ye church was purged of 



50 


THE PILGRIMS 


those that were incurable or incorrigible.” This process 
of purging the church was causing the loss of many 
members. It became a question as to whether or not they 
“could continue to hold together.” These Separatists 
were temperamentally unable to agree, either with those 
within or without their own Church. They had no deep 
religious convictions,—they were merely fanatics. 

When the Scrooby congregation decided to go to Ley¬ 
den, they applied to the authorities for permission to 
settle there. Their petition was granted them to come 
and make this fair and “beautiful citie” their home on 
condition “that such persons behaved themselves and 
submit to the laws and ordinances.” 

They were, however, temperamentally unable to refrain 
from active participation in the religious wars between 
the sects in Leyden. 

The Separatists were intense Calvinists. They took 
part in the controversies between the Calvinists and Ar¬ 
menians—the most bitter of the religious disputes which 
raged in Leyden. On coming to Leyden their pastor, 
Mr. Robinson, championed the cause of Calvinism so suc¬ 
cessfully that he with the help of the Lord “did so foyle 
his adversarie” as to put him to apparent nonplus.” The 
feeling between the two sects became so bitter that their 
adherents engaged in battles in the public streets. The 
Calvinists of the city attacked the Armenians, who barri¬ 
caded and entrenched themselves in a “kind of fort ” in 
the street. 

Robinson, Brewster and their followers were not only 
disturbers of the peace in the city of Leyden; they, also, 




AMSTERDAM AND LEYDEN 


51 


engaged in matters which were likely to disturb the friend¬ 
ly relations between Holland and England. 

After the establishment of the censorship in England, 
which prevented the printing of the seditious books and 
pamphlets of Cartwright and Browne, the writers of sedi¬ 
tious literature resorted to the plan of sending their man¬ 
uscripts to Holland, having them printed there, and then 
smuggling the books and pamphlets into England, and 
flooding the country with them. 

William Brewster taught English to the Dutch for a 
time, and afterwards learned the printer’s trade. He 
afterwards entered into a partnership with one Thomas 
Brewer to engage in the printing business in Leyden. 
Brewer furnished the money for the business, and Brews¬ 
ter did the work of printing. At least sixteen seditious 
books, attacking the Established Church and the supre¬ 
macy of the King of England, were printed by Brewer 
and Brewster during the years 1617, 1618, and 1619. The 
work of printing one of these books “David Calderwood s 
Perth Assembly” was done by Brewster. After printing 
these books, Brewster smuggled them into England, 
where they were secretly scattered abroad by the Separa¬ 
tists. 

“Calderwood’s Perth Assembly” was a direct attack on 
King James the First, charging him with “political, 
chicanery” in attempting to compel the Scottish Churches 
to conform. The Netherland government believed in the 
liberty of the press. So long as an author did not assail 
private character, nor offend public morals, his opinion 
on politics or religion did not concern the government. 



52 


THE PILGRIMS 


Though England had appealed to the Dutch authorities 
to suppress the printing of books assailing the Established 
Church and its doctrines, yet their appeals were denied 
on the ground that they were neither attacks against 
private character, nor did they offend public morals. This 
book “Calderwood’s Perth Assembly,” however, assailed 
the private character of the King. The printing of the 
book, and smuggling it into England by Brewster was a 
breach of Dutch laws. 

Brewster never seemed to appreciate, either in England 
or in the Netherlands in which he had found sanctuary on 
fleeing from England, that any duty devolved on him to 
observe the laws of either country. He was now obliged 
to flee from Holland to escape prosecution by the Dutch 
authorities for printing this book attacking the private 
character of King James. William Brewster was not the 
object of “persecution,” but of just and proper prosecu¬ 
tion for a willful offense against the laws of Holland. 

The records made by the Separatists in Leyden are 
evidence of the fact that they did not “behave themselves’ ’ 
in Leyden. Evidently, they were unpopular, if not ob¬ 
noxious to the Leydenites, for Bradford says that upon 
a rumor of their removal from Holland some “cast out 
slanders against them, as if that State had been wearie 
of them.” He says, however, that such charges were 
“untrue and slanderous.” It became apparant after a few 
years that, for many reasons, it would be better for them 
to leave Holland. 



Chapter VIII 

DECISION TO EMIGRATE TO THE NEW WORLD 

T HERE were many reasons which made it seem 
necessary that they should leave Holland. They 
were losing hold upon their children as they grew up. 
Some married into Dutch families; the boys were becom¬ 
ing soldiers or going to sea; the sports, games, licentious¬ 
ness and white lights of the Dutch city lured many from 
the Church. The discords, schisms and strifes, within 
and without the Church, were tending toward disintegra¬ 
tion; members began falling away or were expelled from 
the Church. The leaders saw “that within a few more 
years they would be in danger to scatter.” Their pre¬ 
dictions were correct. After the death of pastor Robinson 
in 1625, the members of the Church scattered, and entirely 
disappeared as an independent congregation, and “all 
trace of these Scrooby exiles” was lost. 

Another very serious danger threatened them. In 1609,the 
Netherlands and Spain, after thirty years of the most bloody 
and relentless war, agreed upon a truce for twelve years. 
This truce would expire in 1621, when there was every 
reason to believe that the war would be renewed, bringing 
all of its horrors to the people living in Holland. The 
conditions, therefore, both within and without the Church, 
were so unsettled, disturbed and dangerous that “those 


53 


54 


THE PILGRIMS 


Prudent Governours”—Robinson, Brewster and Brad¬ 
ford, “begane both deeply to apprehend their present 
dangers, and wisely to forsee ye future, and think of time¬ 
ly remedy.” They concluded, therefore, that it was best 
to remove to some other place. 

For a number of years many in England and Holland, 
had been emigrating and establishing colonies in the New 
World. Fabulous stories were told of gold, silver and 
riches found in America by the Spaniards. In 1607, a 
Colony from England had settled in Virginia. It had 
grown, was prospering, and by 1619, had become well 
established. Their thoughts turned, therefore, to “some 
of those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which 
are fruitful and fitt for habitation.” 

When “those Prudent Governours” made public the 
proposition to emigrate to America, there was great op¬ 
position to it. The “perils and dangers” were too great; 
the long and perilous sea voyage, the fear of famine and 
want, and grievous diseases “from change of air, diate 
and drinking of water,” dangers from the cruel, bar¬ 
barous and “most treacherous savages,” the great sums 
of money that would be required “to furnish such a 
voiage and fit them with necessaries” and the reports of 
failures of some colonies that had already gone, were 
urged against the proposition. The “Prudent Govern¬ 
ours” responded that many of these things which they 
feared “might never befale,” and others by “provident 
care” might in a great measure be prevented. 

It was further urged that they lived here “as men in 
exile, and in a poor condition, and as great miseries 



DECISION TO EMIGRATE 


55 


might befale them in this place;” that “the 12 years of 
truce were now out and there was nothing but beating 
of drumes, and preparing for war;” that “ye Spaniard 
might prove as cruel as the salvages of America, and ye 
famine and pestilence as sore hear as ther.” The dangers 
of remaining in Leyden might prove greater than those of 
emigrating to America; finally, a majority was won over 
to “put this design in execution.” 

Their deliberations were then turned to the selection of 
a place to go. Among the places discussed was Virginia, 
“where ye English had already made entrance and be¬ 
ginning.” The objection was raised that Virginia was 
settled by Englishmen and was under the English Govern¬ 
ment; that if they settled there they might be “persecuted 
for the cause of religion.” The answer to this was, 
that they would there be under the protection of England, 
and that if they lived “too far off, they should neither 
have succor nor defense from them,” that they would 
“sue to his Majesty *** to grant them freedom of re¬ 
ligion.” 

Virginia was finally selected as the most desirable. 
They decided, however, to locate their colony in some 
remote part of Virginia territory, and to live there as a 
“distincte body by themselves;” but “under ye general 
government of Virginia,” under the protection of the 
English government. 






% 










Chapter IX 


PATENT OBTAINED TO LAND IN VIRGINIA 
AND CONTRACT WITH THE MERCHANTS 

O N April 10, 1606, King James the First granted 
letters patent, for the settlement of America, to 
two companies. One grant was to Sir Thomas Gates and 
others, known as the The London Company, and was for 
territory called Virginia, between 34 and 41 degrees of 
latitude. The northern boundary of this grant was above 
Manhattan Island, which was then occupied by the Dutch. 
The other grant was to Sir George Popham and others, 
known as The Plymouth Company, covering territory, 
which was later called New England, between latitudes 
38 and 44. While these grants overlapped, yet there was 
a provision for a neutral zone. Neither Company should 
make any settlement nearer than one hundred miles to 
the one made by the other Company. 

The Plymouth Company, however, did not succeed in 
establishing any colony in New England territory, and 
finally, abandoned its grant. In 1607, the first permanent 
English settlement in America, was established at James¬ 
town, Virginia, under The London Company sometimes 
called The Virginia Company. Many colonists followed, 
establishing settlements or plantations on both sides of 
the James River from Old Point Comfort to Henrico near 


57 


58 


THE PILGRIMS 


the present site of Richmond, and, also, on the eastern 
shore of Virginia. By 1620, these Colonies were well 
established; the colonists were living under a reign of law; 
courts had been organized, and men had the right of trial 
by a jury of their Peers, and a legislative body elected by 
the people. 

In 1619, Sir George Yeardly returned to Jamestown as 
Governor, under an appointment by the King, bringing 
with him instructions providing for a legislative body for 
the Colony, composed of two members from each planta¬ 
tion, to be elected by a vote of the people. There were 
eleven plantations in the Colony. An election was held, 
and two members were elected from each plantation to 
the General Assembly. On July 30, 1619, the first 
legislative body elected by a vote of the people in the 
New World convened at Jamestown. 

These Virginia Colonists, before the landing of the 
Pilgrims at Plymouth, were enjoying the privileges, bene¬ 
fits and blessings of an organized, representative govern¬ 
ment, with religion and the Church as its chief corner¬ 
stone; they were living in a reign of law, under the protec¬ 
tion of the English flag. At Jamestown, on the banks of 
the James River was “laid the foundation of representa¬ 
tive Government” in this country. The seed of democ¬ 
racy was first planted in the soil of Virginia, and not on 
the rock bound coast of New England. 

After due deliberation, John Robinson, William Brews¬ 
ter, William Bradford, and other leaders of the Leyden 
Separatists, decided to emigrate to Virginia, notwith¬ 
standing the fact that Virginia was an English Colony 




PATENT OBTAINED FOR LAND 


59 


ruled by a King who was both temporal and spiritual 
Head of the English Nation and its Colonies. They 
would be living there under a government where they 
would have the right to “succor and defense,” even though 
they would be subject to the laws of Uniformity and Supre¬ 
macy. They had the hope that, through influential 
friends, “his Majestie might grant them freedom of re¬ 
ligion.” The King, however, refused this request. The 
best he would say was that he would “not molest them 
provided they carried themselves peaceably, ** but to 
allow or tolerate them by his publicke authoritie under 
his seal, they found it could not be.” 

They now sent their agents, John Carver and Robert 
Cushman, to London to procure a patent from The Lon¬ 
don Company to settle in Virignia “on the best terms 
obtainable.” John Carver and Robert Cushman were 
not members of the Scrooby congregation in England. 
Carver had come to Holland, married a sister of John 
Robinson, and joined the congregation in Leyden. John 
Robinson and William Brewster gave to their agents, 
Carver and Cushman, a written statement signed by 
them in order to induce the London Company to grant 
them a patent. This statement was entirely inconsistent 
with their doctrines as Separatists; it was a recognition 
of the Established Church and of the King as spiritual Head 
of the Church. This statement is substantially as follows 
“1. To the confession of faith published in the 
name of the Church of England, and to every article 
thereof, we do with the reformed churches where we 
live, and, also, elsewhere, assent wholly. 



60 


THE PILGRIMS 


“2. Acknowledging the doctrine of faith there 
taught ** we will practise in our parts all lawful things. 

“3. The King’s Majesty we acknowledge for su¬ 
preme Governor in his dominion in all causes and over 

all persons, ** that in all things obedience is due unto 
him, either active, if the thing commanded be not 
against God’s word, or passive, if it be, except par¬ 
don can be obtained. 

“4. We judge it lawful for his Majesty to appoint 
bishops, civil overseers, or officers in authority under 
him, in the several provinces, dioceses, congregations 
or parishes, to oversee the churches and govern them 
civilly according to the laws of the land. ** 

“5. The authority of the present bishops in the 
land we do acknowledge, so far as the same is derived 
from his Majesty.” 

Sir Edwin Sandys, Treasurer of The London Company, 
wrote to Robinson and Brewster, that the writing “sub¬ 
scribed with your names,” has given “a good degree of 
satisfaction,” but the Council desired further time to 
consider the petition. Bradford says, that some “unjust 
insinuations were made against us,” evidently touching 
ecclesiastical matters, and their practices in the Separatist 
Church, which the Council desired explained. When 
these “insinuations” were reported to Robinson and 
Brewster, they replied that they were substantially in 
accord with “the French reformed churches according to 
their public confession of faith,” (which was in accord 
with that of the Established Church), that “the oath of 
supremacie we shall willingly take if it be required of us.” 



PATENT OBTAINED FOR LAND 


61 


That they were willing to take the oath of “supremacie,” 
was an acknowledgment of the King as the spiritual Head 
of the Church, yet they became voluntary exiles from 
their native land, because they had refused to recognize 
the spiritual supremacy of the King; that they were 
now willing to acknowledge his supremacy confirms the 
fact that their emigration to the New World was not for 
religious freedom, but purely economic. 

After many delays, and at the cost of much “labor and 
charge,” The London Company granted them a patent 
for a settlement in Virginia. In fact, The London Com¬ 
pany was the only source from which they could obtain 
a patent to land in the English part of the New World, 
and they could not emigrate without a patent. By the 
advice of some friends this patent was taken in the name 
of John Wincob, a “religious gentleman of the county of 
Lincoln, who intended to go with them;” but when they 
were ready to sail he refused to go. As we shall see later, 
though sailing under the authority of this patent, yet they 
never made use of it. 

After this patent was obtained, it was found that a large 
sum. of money would be required to obtain ships and fur¬ 
nish supplies for the voyage, and for their support after 
arriving in Virginia. These people were poor and without 
means; it was necessary for them to find parties who would 
finance the expedition. After negotiations with various 
parties, an agreement was made with Mr. Thomas Weston 
and other merchants, called the “Adventurers,” in London 
to furnish the money and make “provisions both for ship¬ 
ping and other things for the voyage. 



62 


THE PILGRIMS 


The following are substantially the terms of the agree¬ 
ment between the Merchant Adventurers and the Colon¬ 
ists, called “Planters.” 

1. Every person that “goeth being aged sixteen 
years and upwards” was rated at ten pounds. 

2. If the planter going also furnished ten pounds 
in money or other provision, he was to be accounted 
as having twenty pounds in stock. 

3. The planters going and “the adventurers were 
to continue their joint stock partnership for seven 
years, “during which time all profits and benefits 
that are gott by trade, trafiick, trucking, working, 
fishing or any other means,” were to remain in one 
common stock until the division. 

4. Some were to engage in fishing, and the rest 
in building houses, tilling, planting ye ground, and 
making such commodities as should be most useful 
for “ye Collonie.” 

5. At the end of seven years the capital and 
profits, i. e.—houses, lands, goods and chattels were 
to be equally divided between the Adventurers and the 
Planters. 

7. A person carrying wife and children or servants, 
was to be allowed for every person, age sixteen 
years and upwards, a single share, or if between ten 
and sixteen years old, then two of them were to be 
reckoned a person. 

8. That children under ten years were to have no 

share in the division, but fifty acres of unmanured land. 

***** 



PATENT OBTAINED FOR LAND 


63 


10. That all Colonists were to have ‘'meat, drink 
and apparel, and all provisions out of the common 
stock and goods of the Colony. ” 

There was much opposition to the terms of this con¬ 
tract on the part of Mr. Robinson and others, although 
they were, finally, accepted. The terms were, that the 
Adventurers should furnish the money for the shipping, 
supplies, and, also, for subsistence after the Colonists 
arrived in the New World. The Planters were to have 
their meat, drink, apparel and all provisions, in fact, 
their entire living and support out of the common stock; 
at the end of seven years all profits made from all sources, 
including the land acquired, and all property were to be 
divided equally,—the Adventurers to have one half, and 
the Planters the other half thereof. 

This Community plan did not tend to promote the best 
interests of the Colonists. It was, however, substantially 
the same plan, both as to terms and length of time, that 
was made between the Virginia Company and the Colon¬ 
ists that settled at Jamestown. As subsequent events 
proved, the Adventurers received no profits, but suffered 
a heavy loss. The advantage was all on the side of the 
Planters for they received their transportation, provisions 
on the voyage, and their living for seven years. At the 
final settlement the Adventurers did not receive back 
even the money invested by them, while the settlers 
retained all the property, all improvements, houses and 
lands, that had accumulated or been acquired during the 
said term of seven years. 

















Chapter X 

THE DEPARTURE 

H AVING obtained their patent to plant their Colony 
in Virginia territory, and their agreement, dated 
July 1, 1620, with Thomas Weston and other merchants 
to furnish the money for the enterprise, plans were made, 
supplies provided and ships engaged for the voyage. 
These supplies included five cannon, guns and munitions, 
and a military commander, Captain Miles Standish, for 
the Colony. 

There were about three hundred members of the Ley¬ 
den congregation at this time, but only one hundred and 
fifty had expressed a willingness to emigrate. Some 
Separatists from Amsterdam had expressed a desire to 
join them, but as the time for departure drew nigh they 
decided not to emigrate. Robert Cushman, in a letter, 
says “as for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would 
as soone have gone to Rome as with us, for our libertie is 
to them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as 
ye Spanish Inquisition.” The religious liberty and the 
association with the gaiety and pleasures of this “beautiful 
citie,” with its manifold temptations, had weaned these 
Leyden Separatists from the stern and rigorous religious 
views they had formerly entertained. When it came to 
the crucial point of departure only thirty-three emigrated 


65 


66 


THE PILGRIMS 


from Leyden. They had religious freedom in Leyden, 
then why go to the wilds of the New World to obtain it? 

William Brewster and William Bradford were the only 
known members from the original congregation at Scrooby 
who came in the Mayflower to New England. The little 
vessel, Speedwell with thirty-three passengers sailed on 
August 1, 1620, from Delft Haven for Southampton. 
They were joined at Southampton by the Mayflower, with 
a company of emigrants from London. Many of these 
were men whom the Merchant Adventurers had induced 
to go. Among them were some “undesirables." William 
Brewster, who had fled from Holland to escape prosecu¬ 
tion, with his wife and two children, Love and Wrastling, 
joined the expedition at Southampton. 

The Speedwell was a small ship and only twenty were 
allotted to go in her and one hundred in the Mayflower- 
On August 6, 1620, the ships, Speedwell and Mayflower, 
sailed from Southampton for the New World. The 
Speedwell, after two successive attempts to proceed was 
found to be unseaworthy. It was, finally decided that 
those who desired to return together with some of the 
children and weaker ones should be taken back in the 
Speedwell, and the remainder should sail in the Mayflower. 
On September 6, 1620, the Mayflower sailed with one 
hundred emigrants on board including men, women and 
children. Two children were born during the voyage,— 
one to Stephen Hopkins and his wife Elizabeth, whom 
they called “Oceanus.” Of these, thirty-three were from 
Leyden and sixty-seven were from England. Of the 
thirty-three who came from Leyden, about twelve were 





THE DEPARTURE 


67 


men, six women, five named as servants and ten children; 
some of these were not members of the Separatists con¬ 
gregation; some of the women were Dutch, whom the 
young men had married in Leyden. Captain Miles 
Standish and his wife, Rose, were English, but not Separa¬ 
tists, although living in Leyden. He had been a soldier 
in Holland in the war with Spain, and joined them from 
a love of adventure as the fighting man of the Colony. 

Bradford called those sailing from Delft Haven in the 
Speedwell, “Pilgrimes.” From this incident all of those 
who sailed in the Mayflower, although there were many 
‘‘undesirables” from London, have been called “Pilgrim 
Fathers.” William Brewster and William Bradford, how¬ 
ever, were the only Pilgrims from Scrooby. 

The term “Pilgrims” and “Puritans” have often been 
erroneously and indiscriminately applied to all early 
colonists in New England. The “Pilgrims” were Separa¬ 
tists, who withdrew from the Mother Church. The “Puri¬ 
tans” originally advocated reforms, but not a separation 
from the Established Church. The Pilgrims established 
Plymouth Colony in 1620, The Puritans planted the 
Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1630. 

The remainder of the Leyden congregation, numbering 
about two hundred and seventy persons, and their 
pastor, William Robinson, were satisfied with the religious 
freedom which they enjoyed in that “goodly and pleasante 
citie.” Those from Holland who sailed in the Mayflower 
were nearly all young people who had always enjoyed 
liberty of conscience and religious freedom. Of all those 
both from Holland and England, there were only two over 




68 


THE PILGRIMS 


fifty years of age and forty-nine over forty, the remainder 
were young people. William Brewster was over sixty 
years old, Bradford thirty-one, Edward Winslow twenty- 
five, Isaac Allerton thirty-two, Miles Standish twenty-six 
and John Alden twenty-one. John Alden was a Cooper, 
who emigrated from Southampton, England. He was not 
one of the “Pilgrims.” 



Chapter XI 

MOTIVE FOR EMIGRATING 


W E have for centuries idealized the Pilgrim Fathers 
as men who, braving the dangers of the sea, came 
to a wilderness inhabited by wild beasts and cruel savages, 
and suffered cold, hunger, privation and death for con¬ 
science sake. 

Poets and novelists have sung their praises, artists 
have put on canvas pictures portraying the sufferings 
of these emigrant Separatists, sculptors have carved 
in imperishable marble heroic figures of the Pilgrim 
Fathers, and historians have ascribed to them all the 
virtues of men who suffered for a religious principle. 

What were the motives that induced these Separatists 
to emigrate to America? Were these motives religious, 
or only economic? 

We glean from Bradford’s History,—the original source, 
the real reasons why they left Holland and came to Ameri¬ 
ca. In the 4th chapter entitled “Showing ye reasons and 
causes of their removal,” he says, “There were sundrie 
weightie and solid reasons” for the removal. 

First. That because of the “hardnes of ye place and 
countrie,” many that came to them could not endure 
“the great labor and hard fare, with other incon¬ 
veniences.” 


69 


70 


THE PILGRIMS 


Secondly. That ‘‘old age began to steale on many of 
them ** that within a few years more they would be in 
danger to scatter by necessities pressing them, or sink 
under their burden.” 

He, evidently, had in mind the ending of the truce 
in 1621, between Spain and the Netherlands; that 
war would then be renewed, and they would be 
subjected to all its cruelties and horrors; that their 
sons would be obliged to fight in defense of their 
adopted country; in fact, even now “some became 
soldiers;” that, as heretics, if Spain was victorious, 
these Separatists would go to the block and stake. 
At that time this seemed to be a real menace threaten¬ 
ing them. Under these dismal and gloomy forebodings 
Bradford says, “and, therefore, according to ye divine 
proverb, that a wise man seeth ye plague when it 
cometh, and hideth himselfe, Pro. 22-3, so they skillful 
and beaten soldiers were fearful either to be entrappep 
or surrounded by their enemies, so as they should 
neither be able to fight nor flie, ** and therefore thought 
it better to dislodge betimes to some place of better 
advantage and less danger.” 

Thirdly. That their children were “oppressed with 
their heavie labor” so that their “bodies bowed under 
ye weight of ye same, and became decreped in their 
early youth. *** But that which was more lament¬ 
able, and of all sorrowes most heavie to be borne, was 
that many of their children,” because of “ye great 
licentiousness of youth in that countrie” and many 
“temptations,” were entering upon “extravagant and 



MOTIVE FOR EMIGRATING 


71 


dangerous courses getting ye raines off their neks and 
departing from their parents *** tending to dissolute- 
nes and danger of their soules.” 

Lastly. “A great hope and inward zeal they had of 
laying some good foundation,” ** “for ye propagating 
and advancing ye gospel of ye Kingdom of Christ in 
those remote parts of ye world.” 

The above are the reasons for the emigration of the 
Leyden Separatists to America given by William Bradford, 
who followed the fortunes of the Scrooby Separatists in 
all their wanderings from England until they landed at 
Plymouth. He then became Governor of Plymouth, 
which position he occupied, with the exception of five 
years, until 1649. All of the reasons given by him for 
emigrating are solely econmic, save the last one, in which 
he says they had a hope that they might do something 
for “propogating and advancing” the gospel of Christ. As 
we shall subsequently see they made no effort, nor did 
they accomplish anything in the propagation or advance¬ 
ment of the cause of religion in the New World. He does 
not claim that they sought a home in the New World in 
order that they might have “religious freedom.” There 
is not one word in all the reasons given by Bradford 
charging that they suffered persecution, or did not have 
entire religious freedom, liberty of conscience, and inde¬ 
pendence in Church government in Holland; on the con¬ 
trary, they enjoyed all these privileges to the fullest ex¬ 
tent. 

The “Prudent Governors” and leading spirits who 
originated the plan of planting a Colony of Separatists 




72 


THE PILGRIMS 


in America were John Robinson, his brother-in-law, John 
Carver, William Brewster, William Bradford and Edward 
Winslow. They failed in their efforts to induce the 
Leyden congregation to emigrate. Only a very small 
number of individual members, as we have shown above, 
could be prevailed upon to leave Leyden, It is known, 
for a certainty, that only a few of those from London were 
Separatists. We do know that many were not, and that 
among these “Pilgrim Fathers” were some “undesirables.” 
Pastor Robinson declined to go when he discovered that 
the Leyden congregation refused to emigrate. 

What then was the motive of Brewster, Carver and 
Bradford for planting this Colony in the New World? 
We can understand Brewster’s purpose; he could neither 
live in Holland nor in England for fear of prosecution 
because of his seditious utterances and publications; he 
desired an asylum across the sea where he would be free 
from prosecution. Carver had been a man of means and 
affairs; he had never suffered religious persecution, as he 
had become a member of the Separatist congregation in 
Leyden. Bradford was young and ambitious for leader¬ 
ship as subsequent events proved. 

Men of prominence, many of them of the nobility in 
England and Holland, had been organizing and planting 
Colonies in the New World,—going over themselves as 
Rulers and Governors. The position as Rulers, as well as 
the opportunity for gain, appealed to them. The same 
ambitious motives, mainly influenced Carver, Bradford, 
Brewster and Winslow. In the face of obstacles, dis¬ 
couragement, and final refusal of nearly the entire Leyden 




MOTIVE FOR EMIGRATING 


73 


congregation to emigrate, these men for nearly three 
years persistently continued their efforts to organize and 
establish a Colony in America. 

A close study of Bradford’s “History of Plimoth 
Plantation” shows that these master minds of the Separ¬ 
atists congregation in Leyden had deeper plans than to 
provide for the spiritual welfare of their people. Their 
purpose was to go to some place under the protection of 
the general government of England, yet remote from any 
local authority, and there organize a government of which 
they would be both civil and spiritual Rulers. Bradford 
says, as to their purpose, that “the place they had thoughts 
on was some of those vast tracts and unpeopled countries 
of America ** being devoid of all civil inhabitants.” 
They found, however, that in order to plant a Colony 
in America, they would have to obtain a patent, either 
from the London or Plymouth Companies. The Plymouth 
Company had not succeeded in establishing any Colony 
within its territory, New England, and, finally sur¬ 
rendered its grant. The London or Virginia Company 
was the only source from which they could obtain a patent. 
They, therefore, obtained their patent from the London 
Company to settle in Virginia. They did not intend to 
live “among ye English which were there planted, or so 
near them as to be under their local government,” but 
“to live as a distincte body by themselves under ye general 
government of Virginia.” 

Their patent has been lost, but it is known that it was 
granted in 1619, and was for land in the northern part of 
the Virginia grant on the Hudson river, and near the Dutch 



74 


THE PILGRIMS 


settlement on Manhattan Island. This was as far re¬ 
moved, as possible, from the settlements made in Virginia 
territory on the James River and Chesapeake Bay; they 
would there be under the general government, but too far 
away to be molested, either in their ecclesiastical or civil 
government. 

After the patent had been granted, the contract made 
with the Adventurers, and those going had sold their 
goods and estates, “put their money into one common 
stock,” and were ready to sail from Southampton, they 
heard from Mr. Weston and others about New England, 
“unto which Mr. Weston, and ye cheefe of them, begane 
to incline it was best for them to goe,” ** as there was 
“hope of present profite to be made by ye fishing that was 
found in that countrie. ” They, however, had no patent to 
land in New England territory; furthermore there were 
those “would adventure nothing except they went to 
Virginia.” There were several from England, namely,— 
Isaac Allerton, Stephen Hopkins, Christopher Martin and 
others, who had already been in Virginia and owned 
property there. When the Mayflower sailed, the emi¬ 
grants understood “that they were bound for Virginia,” 
whatever may have been the secret intentions of the lead¬ 
ers, Carver, Bradford and Brewster. 

These men, Carver, Bradford, Brewster and some other 
leaders made all their plans before leaving Holland to 
set up a civil government of their own in America. This 
is clearly shown by a letter written by Pastor Robinson 
just before the Speedwell sailed from Delft Haven. This 
was a letter of good advice and exhortation to those 




MOTIVE FOR EMIGRATING 


75 


members of his congregation who were emigrating con¬ 
cerning both their spiritual and temporal welfare. He 
knew that most of the emigrants were strangers to each 
other and to his Church, and he exhorted care in dealing 
with them. Among other things, referring to the civil 
government which the leaders had planned to establish, 
he said “your intended course of civil communitie will 
minister continual occasion of offense.” 

“Lastly, whereas you are become a body politik, 
using amongst yourselves civil government, and are not 
furnished with any persons of spetial eminence above ye 
rest, to be chosen by you into office of government,” 
** that you must yield obedience to them, “because you 
are at least for ye present to have only them for your 
ordinaire governors, which yourselves shall make choyse 
of for that work.” Mr. Robinson wrote this letter with 
full knowledge of a secret instrument or “compact,” 
hereinafter set out, prepared before leaving Holland, 
providing for this civil government, which was presented 
to the Mayflower passengers for signature and signed by 
most of them in the cabin of the ship before landing at 
Cape Cod. The conclusion is irresistible, that these leaders 
were not induced to seek a home in America, in order that 
these Separatists might find “religious freedom, but 
that they might plant a Colony over which they should 
be leaders and governors. 




Chapter XII 

THE COMPACT 

O N September 6, 1620, the Mayflower, with those 
who were still willing to emigrate, sailed, ostensibly, 
for some point on the Hudson River within Virginia 
territory, but, in fact, sailed directly for Cape Cod. 
Bradford says that on November 9th, 1620, “after long 
beating at sea they fell in with that land called Cape Cod, 
the which being made and certainly known to be it, 
they were not a little joy full.” Cape Cod was known to 
Carver and the other leaders through Captain John Smith, 
who was there in 1614, and had made a survey and map 
of the coast, calling the country “New England." 

Writers have, generally, accepted as a fact that the 
the Mayflower was driven out of her course by storms, 
and therefore, the land first sighted was Cape Cod. This 
is a mistake, for Bradford nowhere claims that the ship 
was driven from Virginia to Cape Cod by storms; on the 
contrary, they were evidently on the lookout for Cape 
Cod, and sighting and recognizing it “they were not a 
little joyfull.” Some of the sailors had been on this coast 
with Captain John Smith. It was, in fact, the secret 
destination of the leaders. Cape Cod was not, however, 
near the Hudson River in Virginia territory, the place 
where the passengers understood they were to settle. 


77 


78 


THE PILGRIMS 


They did not land at Cape Cod at this time. Bradford 
says “After some deliberation had amongst themselves 
and with ye master of ye ship, they tacked about and 
resolved to stand for ye southward, ** to find some place 
about Hudson river for their habitation.” He further 
says, that after sailing “about halfe ye day they fell 
amongst dangerous sholds and roring breakers, ** and ye 
wind shrinking upon them with all,” that is, they were 
becalmed, “they resolved to bear up againe for the Cape,” 
which they did, arriving there “before night overtook 
them.” Had they in good faith desired to reach a point 
on the Hudson River north of Manhattan Island, the 
master of the ship, a skilled navigator, would not have 
skirted the shore amidst shoals and breakers. He would 
have sailed out into the safe waters of the ocean. With 
their little vessel, they were scarcely out of sight of Cape 
Cod, before they tacked about and returned there. 
“The next morning they got into ye Cape Harbor wher 
they ridd in saftie.” 

The suggestion has been made by writers, that the 
Mayflower turned about and sailed back to Cape Cod 
because the Captain had been bribed by the Dutch not 
to land the Colonists near the Dutch settlement on Man¬ 
hattan Island. There is no evidence whatever to support 
this suggestion. The Captain of the Mayflower sailed 
from London, and not from Holland, consequently, he 
was not in touch with the Dutch authorities. The most 
convincing proof against this suggestion, is the conduct 
of Carver, Brewster, Bradford and Winslow. Neither 
Bradford, nor Winslow, who, also, wrote a history of the 



THE COMPACT 


79 


voyage and settlement in New England, wrote of any 
objection by any of the leaders, or show any concern 
themselves over the return of the ship to Cape Cod. On 
the contrary, there is evidence that Carver and the other 
leaders were responsible for this return to Cape Cod. 
Bradford says, “as they conceived themselves in great 
danger, ** they resolved to bear up againe for the Cape.” 
It was no less dangerous to sail away from the shore 
and the breakers, and on to the Hudson River than back 
to Cape Cod. 

There were several reasons for this change in their 
plans. The representation of Mr. Weston before they 
sailed, that the “hope of present profit to be made by 
ye fishing that was found in that countrie,” i. e. New 
England, was one of the inducements that caused them to 
return to Cape Cod. There were, however, other reasons 
more weighty; they thought that if they settled in New 
England, they could organize a civil government free 
from the control of the general territorial government of 
Virginia, and could establish and maintain their Inde¬ 
pendent Church without fear of the authorities of the 
Established Church. 

After arriving in the harbor at Cape Cod, the “cheefe” 
men began to talk of landing to “look out a place of habita¬ 
tion.” These “Cheefe” men had decided to establish the 
Colony in New England, without any patent or legal 
right to do so. When this became known there were 
‘‘discontented and mutinous speeches” from the strangers 
“amongst them,”—that is from those who came from 
England. They had not emigrated to find a home on the 



80 


THE PILGRIMS 


cold, bleak, barren, rock bound coast of New England; 
they had been induced to emigrate with the understanding 
that they were to settle in Virginia under a patent from 
The London Company, and not in New England “with 
which ye Virginia Company had nothing to doe;” they 
said that, if they landed here “they would use their own 
libertie; for none had power to command them” in this 
territory as they had no patent for New England. 

Carver and his associates at this time and “before they 
came ashore” produced an instrument or “compact,” 
providing for a “civill body politick,” which they de¬ 
manded that all emigrants should sign. This Compact, 
providing for a “body politick” referred to by Mr. Robin¬ 
son in his letter, was signed in the cabin of the Mayflower 
by forty-one of the adult emigrants. 

The following is a copy of the Compact:— 

“In ye name of God, Amen, we whose names are 
underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread soveraigne 
Lord, King James, by ye grace of God, of Great Brit- 
aine, France and Ireland, King, defender of ye faith, 
etc. Having undertaken, for ye glory of God, and 
advancemente of ye Christian faith, and honour of 
our King and countrie, a voyage to plant ye first Colonie 
in ye northern parts of Virginia , do by these presents 
solemnly and mutually in ye presence of God, and one 
of another, covenant and combine ourselves together 
in a civil body politick , for our better ordering and pre¬ 
servation and furtherance of ye ends aforesaid, And 
by virtue hereof to inacte, constitute, and frame such 
just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, 



THE COMPACT 


81 


and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought 
most meete and convenient—for ye general good of ye 
Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and 
obedience. In witness thereof we have hereunder 
subscribed our names at Cape Cod ye 11 of November 
in ye raigne of our Soveraigne Lord, King James of 
England, France and Ireland eighteenth, and of Scot¬ 
land ye fifty-fourth An; Dom; 1620.” 

There are many expressions and other evidences con¬ 
tained in this compact which indicate that it was written 
before the Speedwell sailed from Delft Haven, except the 
testimonium clause. In Robinson’s letter quoted above, 
he speaks of their becoming a “body politick,” “using 
amongst yourselves civil governmente” which would be 
established by them, and exhorting all to obey those “to 
be chosen by you into civil government.” The Speedwell 
sailed from Holland, with a patent from the Virginia 
Company to establish a Colony in Virginia territory. 
The compact, in pursuance of that patent, refers to “a 
voyage to plant ye first colonie in ye northern part of 
Virginia.” The testimonium clause, stating date and place 
of signing, was added, and the pact signed on board the 
Mayflower on November 11, 1620, at Cape Cod. This was 
after the “cheefe” men had abandoned the voyage to 
Virginia, turned back to Cape Cod, and decided to estab¬ 
lish their Colony in New England. The body of this 
instrument is conclusive, that it was drawn up before 
leaving Holland, but that the testimonium clause was 
added at Cape Cod. In view of the “discontented and 
mutinous speeches” of ***** “some of the strangers,” 



82 


THE PILGRIMS 


Carver and his associates deemed it safer to have this 
pact, providing for a civil government, signed before 
landing. Bradford does not state who signed this compact. 
Mr. George Morton in his “Memorial” says, that forty-one 
male persons signed it, including some servants. It was 
not signed by the women or children. Bradford says that 
John Carver was there “ chosen ” or ‘Gather confirmed ” as 
their Governor for that year.” This confirmation of 
John Carver, the brother-in-law of Pastor Robinson, as 
governor was in pursuance of plans made by Robinson, 
Carver and other “cheefe” men for organizing a civil 
government in the Colony, before sailing from Holland. 

Later on, and after they had located their Colony at 
Plymouth, “as time would admitte they mette and con¬ 
sulted of laws, and orders both for their civil and military 
government,” but nothing was said concerning the Church. 

This compact has been regarded as original, in that it 
provided for a civil government by men of their own 
choosing. The idea was most probably obtained from the 
Guilds of Holland with which Robinson and the other 
leaders were familiar. These Guilds were voluntary 
associations of men engaged in the same craft, trade or 
business; All members elected their officers, and made 
laws governing their particular craft, trade or business; 
each Guild generally “inhabitated a separate quarter of 
the town;” the members were trained in the use of arms, 
and Captains were placed in command; they were required 
to be ready, at all times, to respond to a call to service; 
the Ruler of these Guilds, called a “deacon,” was prac¬ 
tically the sole executive, regulating wages, prices and the 



THE COMPACT 


83 


affairs of his Guild. Following the plan of the Guild, 
John Carver was elected Governor, and served for a short 
period,—until his death in March 1621. William Brad¬ 
ford was then elected as his successor, but as he was sick 
at that time, Isaac Allerton was elected as his assistant, 
and Captain Miles Standish was elected military com¬ 
mander. 

The Governor was, practically, the Ruler of Plymouth 
Colony; nor was there ever, in fact, universal suffrage in 
the Colony. Bancroft says, that “Here was the birth of 
popular constitutional liberty,” in America. Neither 
civil nor religious liberty, however, was founded under 
this compact. Nor was it the inspiration, plan or basis 
for our democracy as has been claimed. 

This compact vras not known to Thomas Jefferson or 
to any of our forefathers of revolutionary days, who had 
any part in writing the Declaration of Independence or 
our constitution. It was known, from references made by 
some Colonial writers in New England, that Bradford 
had written a history of Plymouth Colony, in which a 
copy of this compact appears, but the manuscript was 
lost before our Revolution. It was not discovered until 
about the middle of the nineteenth century, when it was 
found in the library of the Bishop of London at Fulham, 
England. The manuscript was delivered to Ambassador 
Bayard in 1897, brought to this country, and afterwards 
published for the first time. It was unknown and entirely 
without influence in the framing or adoption of our 
constitution or in the organization of our representative 
form of government. 




Chapter XIII 

PLYMOUTH 

O N November 11, 1620, after the signing of the com¬ 
pact, a landing was made on the site of Province- 
town, on Cape Cod, by “a few of them.” On November 
15, Captain Standish and sixteen “well armed” men “set 
out to discover those nearest places” for a permanent 
“habitation.” This expedition was without adventure 
or success; so they returned to the ship. The month of 
November was spent in exploring the coast and country 
near in their shallop, without, however, finding a suitable 
place to locate their Colony. 

On December 6, they “sente out their shallop againe 
with ten of their principall men *** upon further discovery, 
intending to circulate that deepe bay of Cape Codd.” 
On this expedition, they “divided their company—some 
to coast along ye shore in ye boate, and the rest marched 
through ye woods to see ye land, if any fit place might be 
for their dwelling.” For several days they coasted and 
explored the country; but “discovered no place likely 
for harbor.” They suffered much from the extreme cold 
and storms during these days. They had seen a few 
Indians on previous expeditions; they now had “ye first 
encounter with them.” Many arrows were shot at them 
to which they responded with their muskets. None 
were “either hurte or hitt” by the arrows. 


85 


86 


THE PILGRIMS 


When the exploring party was near what is now Ply¬ 
mouth their “Pillot—Mr. Coffin—who had bine in ye 
countrie before," told them of a good harbor “which he 
had been in." Before they reached this harbor, a severe 
storm came up, breaking their rudder; their mast was, 
also, broken and their “saill fell overbord;" so that they 
were in danger of being “cast away." They, finally, 
escaped from this danger, and in “ye end they gott 
under ye lee of a small island on which they landed, 1 ' 
and *** “remained there all that night in saftie;" this was 
an island in Plymouth harbor. 

After Captain John Smith made the survey of the coast 
in 1614, he returned to England, wrote a history of his 
expedition, and prepared a map of the coast and country, 
which was published in 1616. He presented this “dis- 
coverie with the map" to Prince Charles, who, at Cap¬ 
tain Smith’s request, gave names to the various places on 
the coast. To that inlet or harbor with its little “He.'' 
the Prince gave the name “Plimoth." This is the name 
that appears on the ancient map of Captain John Smith, 
and is the origin of the name of the Colony. 

The next day, after Captain Standish and his party 
landed on this island, “was a faire sunshiny day," and 
being the “last day of ye week," they “prepared ther to 
keep ye Sabath." On Monday, they sounded the harbor, 
and found it fit for shipping. They went to the main 
land, and found corn fields and little running brooks,—“a 
place fitt for situation." They then returned to the ship, 
and reported, “this news ***** which did much comfort 
ye people." 



PLYMOUTH 


87 


On December 15, the Mayflower weighed anchor to 
“goe to ye place they had discovered.” On December 
16, the “winde” being “faire, ** they arrived safe in this 
harbor.” On ye twenty-fifth day, they “begane to erect 
ye first house for comone use to receive them and their 
goods.” This common house, “was built on a great hill;” 
it was about twenty feet square with a flat roof; they 
moved their goods into it, and put it as “full of beds as 
they could lie;” the room was, also, used by them as a 
general store, fort and meeting house on Sunday. They held 
the first service in this common house on March 21, 1621. 

Winslow says that “Tuesday, the ninth of January was 
a reasonable fair day,” and they proceeded to the erection 
of their houses. 

The people were divided into nineteen groups or families t 
so that fewer houses would be needed at first; they built 
seven cabins, in which these nineteen families were housed. 

In Plymouth harbor there is a large stone on the shore 
at the water’s edge, called today “Plymouth Rock.” 
It is said that the Pilgrims first landed on this rock. The 
rock is not mentioned by Bradford or by any other writer 
of that period; the story of the landing of the Pilgrims on 
this rock was not known until a century and a third later; 
it is based on a purported statement made in 1741, by 
Thomas Faunce, an old man ninety-four years of age; he 
said that when he was a boy his father told him “that the 
Mayflower passengers landed on this boulder.” As 
Faunce’s father was not a passenger on the Mayflower in 
1620, but came later, the story of his aged son is not 
very reliable. 



88 


THE PILGRIMS 


In 1774, the rock was split, and a part of it carried on 
shore; but, later, as “ye rock” became a shrine, the split 
part was carried back and placed with the original rock, 
and a wooden fence was built around it; afterwards, as 
the revenue feature developed, the people of Plymouth 
built an iron fence around it, and later, a pagoda or pavilion 
was built over it. 

The tercentenary of the landing of the Pilgrims was 
celebrated at Plymouth in 1921. There will be erected 
on this spot a splendid monument, to mark the first land¬ 
ing of the Pilgrims. 

There is a vein of idealism running through the American 
character, that saves us from the entirely cold, cal¬ 
culating selfishness of people devoted to the practical 
development of a new country. 

We have no Westminster Abbey, or cathedrals carved 
in stone and grown gray with the centuries, monuments 
to the religious zeal of our forefathers, housing memories 
of achievements of our heroes in Church, literature, art, 
science, statesmanship and war. We are still young in 
our national and racial life, but we are, nevertheless, hero 
worshippers and builders of shrines. 

Plymouth Rock has been glorified by poet, painter and 
the later historians. 

Henry Van Dyke says, “The New Englanders, who 
have written most of the American histories, have been 
in the way of claiming the lion’s share of the religious 
influence for the Puritans;’’ and, we may add, that they 
also, claim the credit for having founded our Nation. 

Longfellow sings, 



PLYMOUTH 


89 


“Down to the Plymouth Rock, that had been 
to their feet as a doorstep 
Into the world unknown—the cornerstone of a 
nation.” 

This rock has been invested with both a religious and 
political significance that has made it a shrine. It has 
become the mecca of idealists, who have chipped off 
small pieces of stone, and preserved them as sacred 
mementoes of the spot first touched by Pilgrim feet; 
tourists have stood about it, and, in the true spirit of hero 
worship, have lavished upon it all honor, reverence and 
veneration. 

We stand with uncovered head beside the graves of those 
courageous men and brave, noble women, who sailed 
across the storm tossed ocean to make homes in the wilder¬ 
ness of the New World, but found only hunger, cold and 
death on the bleak, wintry shores of the New England 
coast. We honor those heroic men and women, who 
made the supreme sacrifice and laid down their lives in an 
effort to found a nation, but without sucess. To Plymouth 
is due the honor of being the site of the first permanent 
settlement in New England. 

The cornerstone of our nation, however, was not laid 
at Plymouth in 1620, but at Jamestown in 1607. 




Chapter XIV 

THE NEW WORLD 

APTAIN JOHN SMITH, on his return from New 



England, wrote his “General History of New Eng¬ 
land,” which was published about 1616. In this history, 
he presents a flattering picture of the fertility, climate, 
industrial, and trading possibilities of New England. He 
says, he found there, “gardens, corn fields and well tim¬ 
bered land,” a “greatness of fish” and a “moderate temper 
of the air;” that the “maine staple is fish.” He then gives 
a glowing picture of the riches and greatness of Holland, 
all derived from the trade in fish. “No State,” he says, 
“is so mighty, strong and rich as Holland, save Venice, 
with so many faire cities and goodly towns, ** with its 
shipping, merchandise, gold, silver, pearles, diamonds, 
pretious stones, silkes, velvets and cloth of gold,”—all 
the result of “this contemptible trade of fish;” that here 
in New England, “by industry” one may “quickly grow 
rich spending but halfe that time well;” that this part in 
latitude 41, 42 and 43, is as “temperate and as fruitful 
as any other parallel in the world;” that the ground is so 
fertile it will grow “graine, fruits or seed;” that there are 
fur bearing animals, namely, muskrat, beaver, otters, 
martins, and black foxes; that the “country of Massa¬ 
chusetts ** is the paradice of all those parts.” This was 


91 


92 


THE PILGRIMS 


a glowing and alluring picture, but the true conditions were 
a sore and bitter disappointment to the PilgrimFathers. 

Smith further advises “each parish or village,” to send 
“their fatherless children of thirteene or fourteene yeeres 
of age, or young married people and servants;” also, that 
a “fortress” will be necessary, and “means to defend 
them. ’ ’ Smith’s history of New England, with the account 
of its wonderful resources and climate, was known, general¬ 
ly, in England and Holland before the sailing of the May¬ 
flower, and without doubt was known to Robinson. It 
was more than a coincidence that the Pilgrim Fathers fol¬ 
lowed these suggestions as to those who should emigrate. 
Among those who sailed were young married people, 
many servants, and a number of boys thirteen or fourteen 
years of age, either fatherless, or, at least, without fathers 
among the emigrants. 

This extravagant account of Smith, of the climate, 
condition and resources of the country, its flattering 
prospects and opportunities for riches, both on land and 
on sea, evidently caused the change in the plans of Carver 
and the leaders to abandon Virginia, and to establish 
their Colony in New England. They found, however, that 
Smith’s description of the country was untrue in every 
particular; they arrived at Cape Cod in the middle of a 
cold, bleak, New England winter; the ground was “all 
covered with snow and hard frozen;” in the bitter storms, 
sleet and snow of December, parties of men explored the 
country seeking a “fit place for their dwelling;” they lived 
on ship board until their houses were ready for occupancy, 
the latter part of January 1621. 



THE NEW WORLD 


93 


The long voyage and life on board the Mayflower 
after arriving in New England, had caused them to be 
afflicted with “scurvie” and other “diseases;” the intense 
cold, privation, lack of proper food and disease brought 
sickness and death to many; the sufferings of the women 
and children were “pitiful to behold.” There were but 
“6 or 7 sound persons” left to care for the sick and dying; 
sometimes “they died 2 or three a day;” thirteen women, 
out of the nineteen who came, many children, and some 
of the men died “in this general sickness” during this 
first winter; Rose Standish, the wife of Captain Miles 
Standish, died at this time, and Dorothy Bradford, wife 
of William Bradford, falling over board, was drowned 
while they were at Cape Cod; during this first winter, 
about fifty, of the one hundred passengers of the May¬ 
flower, died. 

Historians have lauded the Mayflower emigrants as 
home-builders; that they came to settle and make homes 
in the New World, and so brought their wives and children 
with them. At the end of the first winter there were only 
five women home-builders, still living in Plymouth 
Colony; one of these—Rose Minter—soon returned to 
England. Nor did the wives of the married men, who 
left their families at home, or any other women come to 
Plymouth for three years. 

It was not only unwise, it was a cruel thing, to subject 
these wives and children of tender years, to the priva¬ 
tions, dangers, exposure and cold of this bleak, New 
England climate. 

Historians have condemned the first Jamestown Colon- 



94 


THE PILGRIMS 


ists, because they did not bring their wives and children 
to Virginia; it was said of them that they were not home¬ 
builders, but mere adventurers. These settlers were 
more humane, and showed greater wisdom than the 
Plymouth settlers in leaving their families in England 
until they could make homes for them in Virginia. Its 
to their eternal credit that they were both wise and un¬ 
selfish enough to brave these perils alone. 



Chapter XV 

THE YEARS 1621-1623—THE FAMINE 

W ITH the coming of Spring, the sick, who survived, 
recovered their health; as their strength returned, 
they turned to the planting of corn; they were instructed 
how to fertilize the ground and plant corn by a friendly 
Indian named Squanto; they planted about twenty acres 
of corn and some barley. During the year, they raised 
their crops, traded with the Indians for fur, and engaged 
in hunting game and fishing; when the fall came they 
fitted up their houses and harvested their crops. They 
raised a good crop of corn and barley, and, by hunting 
and fishing, laid up a good supply of fish, water fowl, 
wild turkey and other game. 

They now celebrated the first Thanksgiving Day in the 
New World by a great feast. To this feast, they invited 
the Indian Chief, Massacoit, and his tribe; the celebration 
lasted three days; they spent the time in feasting, out 
door sports, drilling, “dancing and singing by the Indians.” 

About November 11, 1621, the ship, Fortune, arrived at 
Plymouth bringing thirty-five men. The ship brought 
the Colony no supplies, and the men were entirely desti¬ 
tute; they had, “not so much as a bisket cake or any other 
victualls, nor any bedding *** nor pot nor pan, ** nor 
over many cloaths.” These were “mostly young men, and 


95 


96 


THE PILGRIMS 


many of them wild enough.” They were from London, 
and were not Separatists. These “late comers” were 
placed in “several families.” The Colony now numbered 
eighty people, all men, except four women and a few 
children who came with the first settlers. 

On taking account of their provisions, it was found 
that it would “not hold out above six months at halfe 
allowance;” every body was then put on half allowance 
for the winter. The Colony suffered greatly from lack 
of provisions and supplies during the years 1622 and 
1623. They had expected to receive supplies from Eng¬ 
land, but none came. About the latter part of May 1622, 
a boat came with seven passengers from a ship, which 
had been sent out for fishing by Mr. Weston; but, as 
Bradford says, ‘‘no vitails, nor any hope of any. ’ ’ He con¬ 
cludes in a sarcastic vein, quoting the Psalmist, Psa. 118-8. 
“It is better to trust in the Lord, than to have confidence 
in man,” especially “in ye merchants.” 

This year they raised very little corn; they were weak 
Bradford says, “for want of food;” they, however, ob¬ 
tained a supply of corn from the Indians, which lasted 
them until the spring of 1623. It is difficult to understand 
how the Colony could have suffered from lack of food in 
the year 1622; the sea and brooks were full of fish, and 
there was an abundance of game in the woods; there were 
now over seventy men in the Colony able to work. There 
is no explanation for their suffering for want of food at this 
time, save the fact that the Colonists were on the com¬ 
munity plan, and they would not work. 

Until the spring of 1623, they had been working on the 



1621-1623—THE FAMINE 


97 


community plan. They had not raised enough corn, nor 
provided enough food to feed the Colony; they were 
bordering on famine all the time; in order that they still 
might not thus “languish in miserie,” each family was 
now assigned “a parcel of land for their present use.” 
The term family here refers to the division of the Colony 
into seven groups, one in each cabin. Except for this 
assignment of land, they still continued to live under the 
community plan. Under this new plan, however, the 
men became more industrious; they planted more corn 
and were better contented; even the women—there were 
at that time only four in the Colony—now went willingly 
into the fields, who before, alleged their “weakness and 
inabilitie.” 

The year 1623, may be called the famine year of the 
Plymouth Colonists. By the time their corn was planted, 
“all their vitails were spente;” for two or three months 
together, they had neither bread nor any kind of corn; 
at night, they at times did not know where they were 
to get “a bitt of anything ye next day. ’ ’ They now divided 
their company into groups of six or seven each for fishing. 
Each group would take its turn in fishing in the one boat 
they possessed. They dug shell fish at low water out of 
the sand, and sometimes they obtained a deer. Thus 
they lived all summer, When winter came they obtained 
“ground nuts and fowle.” 

In the latter part of the summer of 1623, two ships, 
the Anne, with Mr. William Pierce as Master, and a Pinass 
arrived at Plymouth. These ships brought about sixty 
persons from England under contract with, and at the 



98 


THE PILGRIMS 


expense of the Adventurers. Some were “very useful 
persons,” and some were wives and children of English¬ 
men already in the Colony; some, however, were so bad 
they were sent home the next year. 

There was, also, another company under John Oldham, 
who came on “their particular,” that is, at their own 
charge and expense. These men were “to have lands 
assigned to them, and be for themselves, yet be subject 
to the General Government.” These new comers found 
a distressing condition in the Colony; “Many were ragged 
in apparel, and some little beter than halfe naked;” they 
could offer these new comers only a “lobster or a peece 
of fish, without bread or anything else but a cupp of fair 
spring water.” 

Three years had now elapsed since the Mayflower 
landed these emigrants at Plymouth. They had suffered 
cold, sickness, famine and death. The distressing and 
disastrous experience of these Plymouth settlers were but 
a parallel of the sufferings of the Jamestown Colonists; 
each Colony suffered hunger, famine and sickness; one 
half of each Colony died during the first six months, and 
each was afflicted with some “undesirables.” The Pilgrim 
Fathers came without any minister; the Jamestown 
settlers brought with them the Rev. Robert Hunt, a pious 
and godly man, who was a comfort and consolation to 
these settlers in their sufferings and death. Historians, 
however, have idealized the Plymouth Colonists, but the 
Jamestown settlers have suffered only contumely from 
them. 



Chapter XVI 

JOHN PIERCE AND THE NEW CHARTER 

T HE CHARTER granted in 1606, by King James to 
Sir George Popham and others, known as the Ply¬ 
mouth Company, for the territory in which New England 
is situated, had been abandoned before the sailing of the 
Mayflower. 

John Smith’s history, with its extravagant and alluring 
representations of the country, induced a new company 
to apply to the King for a charter to this New England 
territory. In November 1620, King James granted a pat¬ 
ent to a new Council of Plymouth in England to all the 
territory lying between the latitudes 40 and 48. This 
charter recognized the spiritual and temporal supremacy 
of the King. 

The Plymouth settlers ,without authority from any one, 
had established their Colony within this territory. 

The Mayflower, on her return to England in the spring 
of 1.621, brought the information that the Pilgrim Fathers 
had located their Colony at Plymouth in New England f 
and not in Virginia. The Merchant Adventurers, who 
had financed the Company, on learning that Carver, 
Bradford and Brewster had located the Colony in New 
England territory on land to which they had no patent 
and right, in order to protect themselves, applied to the 

99 



> > > 


100 


THE PILGRIMS 


Council of the Plymouth Company in England for a 
patent to the land on which the Pilgrim Fathers had 
settled; this was granted in the fall of 1621, and a charter 
was issued in the name of John Pierce and his associates. 
Pierce was one of the adventurers; he was to hold the 
patent in trust for the Colony. This patent was brought 
over to the Company by the Fortune in the late fall of 
1621. 

As this patent was in his name, Pierce now devised a 
scheme to obtain another patent for a larger territory, 
deluding in it the land already granted, in order that he 
might claim the whole of it as his own property. 

In April 1621, Pierce, in pursuance of his plan, applied 
to the Council of Plymouth for a new patent, larger in 
extent and with greater powers, which was granted him- 
Under the provisions of this new patent, he claimed that 
he was the “Lord and Chief” of the Plymouth Colonists, 
and had the right to hold them “as his tenants.” When 
his fraud was discovered, Bradford says, that he was com¬ 
pelled to assign over his “grand patente” to the Company. 
In May 1623, his fraudulent patent was cancelled, and 
the Adventurers and Colonists were restored to their rights 
under the first patent. 

In June 1622, Thomas Weston, one of the Adventurers, 
sold his interest in the Plymouth Colony, and fitted out 
three small ships to plant a Colony in New England 
on his own account near the Plymouth Colony. These 
ships arrived at Plymouth with about sixty men; they 
were housed, cared for, and the sick were nursed back to 
health by the Colonists; they remained during the greater 



r < i 



JOHN PIERCE AND NEW CHARTER 101 


part of the summer at Plymouth. Robert Cushman 
wrote to Governor Bradford, that “these people are no 
men for us;” they were found to be “unruly” and un¬ 
desirable; in the fall they moved into “ye Massachusetts 
Bay,” and established a plantation at Wessagusset; they 
were improvident and soon exhausted their supplies. The 
plantation was a failure, and after much suffering and 
distress, was abandoned. 

In June 1623, Captain Francis West arrived at Ply¬ 
mouth with a commission from the Council of Plymouth 
in England to restrain inter-lopers, and to stop fishing 
and trading without a license from the Council, and the 
payment of a “rounde sume of money.” The Plymouth 
Colonists refused to comply, and afterward procured an 
order from the English Parliament allowing them to 
engage in fishing free. 

About the middle of September 1623, Captain Robert 
Gorges arrived in the Bay of Massachusetts with passen¬ 
gers and families to establish a plantation; they selected 
Wessagusset as the sight for their Colony, which Weston 
had occupied and afterwards abandoned. 

Captain Robert Gorges held a commission from the 
“Counsell of New England, in England, to be General 
Governor” of “ye countrie,” with Captain Francis West 
and Christopher Levite as his assistants. This commission 
also gave Captain Gorges and his assistants power to 
“doe and execute what to them should seem good in all 
cases, capitall, criminall and civill.” A copy of this 
commission was read to Governor Bradford, and he was 
suffered to take a copy. The Colonists, however, ignored 
this commission. 



102 


THE PILGRIMS 


Captain Gorges and his emigrants, not finding conditions 
as they had expected, soon scattered, and he returned 
to England. Some of his people returned to England, 
others went to Virginia, and some few remained in New 
England. 



Chapter XVII 

COMPLAINTS AGAINST THE COLONY 

I N 1624, there were about one hundred and eighty 
persons in Plymouth Colony. William Bradford was 
again elected Governor. Prior to this time there had 
been but one assistant, but now the number was increased 
to five members. Five assistants were now chosen, but 
“giving to the Governor a dubble voyce.” The Governor, 
with these five assistants, constituted the entire civil 
government, executive, legislative and judicial, of the 
Colony. 

Mr. Winslow was sent to England in 1623, for the 
Colony, and on his return in May 1624, he brought with 
him three heifers and a bull, and, also, some “clothing and 
other necessaries.” These were the first cattle of any 
kind in the Colony. 

Even though “Raghorn,” the bull, did not arrive at 
Plymouth until some years after John Alden had wooed 
and won Priscilla Mullins, yet, it is a very sweet picture 
that Longfellow gives of John with his “snow white bull,” 
on which Priscilla rode “like a queen,” ** “through the 
Plymouth woods” as 

“Onward the bridal procession now moved to 
their new habitation.” 

The Colony had not been a success in any particular, 


103 


104 


THE PILGRIMS 


either in its numerical growth, financially, or in its re¬ 
ligious life. Ships returning from New England reported 
to the Merchant Adventurers that very bad conditions 
prevailed in the Colony. Captain Gorges on his return 
confirmed these reports. Robert Cushman and Mr. 
Sherley wrote to Governor Bradford, telling him of these 
reports and complaints, and requesting an answer to 
them. The following are some of the complaints and 
charges made against the Pilgrim Fathers, namely,—That 
they were “starved in body and soul;” that “they eate 
piggs and doggs that dye alone;” that reports of “ye 
goodness of ye countrie are gross and palpable lyes;” 
that there is “scarcely a fowle to be seen or a fish to be 
taken;” that there are religious differences; that family 
duties were neglected on the Lord’s Day; that there was 
no administration of the sacrament; that the children 
were not taught to read; that many of the ‘Particulars’ 
refused to work for the ‘Generali,’ i. e., the Plymouth 
Company, that the ground is barren, and that many are 
thieves and steal. 

Governor Bradford answered, denying many of the 
charges, acknowledging that some were true, and making 
explanations as to others. There is abundant proof, 
however, that all of these charges were true, except the 
one that “they eate piggs and doggs that dye alone.” 
Bradford, however, admits that during the famine they 
lived on shellfish dug out of the sand ,and at times they 
did not know where they were to get a “bitt of anything 
ye next day.” To the charge that there were religious 
differences in the Colony, Bradford answered, “We know 



COMPLAINTS AGAINST COLONY 


105 


no such matter, for here was never no controversie or 
opposition, either publick or private, to our knowledge, 
since we came.” It is difficult to reconcile Bradford’s 
answer to this last charge with the truth. The religious 
differences and controversies in the Colony between the 
Separatists, with Bradford as their leader, and those of 
the Established Church, were a constant source of trouble, 
and gave rise to a very serious difficulty. 

The Adventurers sent over Mr. John Lyford, a clergy¬ 
man of the Established Church, with Separatist tendencies, 
as a minister for the Colony. He was not a Bj&wnist 
when he came, but finding only the Independent or Separa¬ 
tist Church, he was admitted to it, and sometimes preached 
there, though not elected as their pastor. John Oldham 
was a leader of the “Particulars,” who had come at their 
own expense. Though settled in Plymouth Colony, yet 
they were allowed no voice in the civil affairs of the Colo¬ 
ny, nor were they allowed to have or attend services of 
the Established Church, though they were of that Church, 
and were not Separatists. Bradford and those in authority 
required them to attend the Separatists’ meetings, or 
suffer punishment for refusal or failure to do so. 

Lyford, being an Episcopal Clergyman, soon joined the 
Oldham faction, and began holding services of the Estab¬ 
lished Church “on the Lord’s Day.” Bradford, in a spirit 
of intolerant bigotry, says, that Lyford and “his accom¬ 
plices without ever speaking a word either to ye Governor 
or Elder, withdrew themselves and set up publick meeting 
aparte on ye Lord’s Day.’’ Oldham and the “Particulars’’ 
were English subjects, living on English soil and under 



106 


THE PILGRIMS 


the English flag; they were loyal to Church and State; 
it was not only their right, but their duty, under the 
English laws to hold meetings, and use the form of service 
of the Established Church. 

Oldham and Lyford now wrote to the Company in 
England, and told them of the civil and religious conditions 
in the Colony. They were, Bradford says, “full of 
slanderous and false accusations.” Oldham and Lyford 
gave these letters to the Master of a ship, then preparing 
to sail for England, to be delivered to the Company; 
there was found “among ye rest a letter of their con¬ 
federates,” saying that “Mr. Oldham and Mr. Lyford 
intended a reformation in Church and Commonwealth; 
that they intended to joyne together, and have the 
sacraments etc.” This may have been treason to the 
Brownist government, but it was loyalty to the King, 
to their religion, and to the laws of their Country. 

Bradford says, “it was now thought high time, to pre¬ 
vent further mischief, to call them to account.” He 
called a court, composed of himself and his five Separatist 
assistants; Oldham and Lyford were charged with plotting 
against the Colony, which they denied; the Governor then 
produced the intercepted letters of Oldham and Lyford. 

The following charges, against the Pilgrim Fathers, 
were made in Lyford’s letters. 

1. That the Church would have none to come but 
themselves. 

2. That if any honest men come over that are “not 

of ye Separation, they will quickly distaste them.” 

********** 



COMPLAINTS AGAINST COLONY 


107 


4. That they sought to ruin the “Particulars” in 
this, that “they would not suffer any of ye general 
either to buy or sell with them, or to exchange one 
commoditie for another.” 

5. That “they turned men into their ‘particular’ 
and then sought to starve them.” 

These letters, also, gave some “counsell and directions” 
as follows,— 

“1. That the Leyden Company—Mr. Robinson and 
ye rest, must still be kept back; that the Particulars 
should have voices in all courts and elections, and be 
free to bear any office.” 

4c3|c4es|c3ie3fe^e9ic4e3)e 

4. That if they, the “Particulars, cannot be so 
strengthened as to carry and overbear things, it will 
be best to establish a plantation elsewhere by them¬ 
selves.” 

Governor Bradford denied all of these charges; they 
were, however, substantially true. It was true that the 
“Particulars” had neither religious nor civil liberty; the 
Independent Church of the Separatists was the only one 
allowed in the Colony, and only such were admitted to 
membership as the “cheefe” men desired. Although the 
Separatists were only a very small minority, yet the 
majority, who were of the Established Church, were 
excluded from all religious privileges, except those of the 
Independent Church; they were not allowed to have a 
church of their own faith in the Colony. It was true that 
Bradford and his associates assumed all civil authority, 
allowing only freemen of the Colony to vote, and 




108 


THE PILGRIMS 


admitting only such to the privileges'of freemen as they 
wished; those of the Established Church were barred 
Lyford was, also, charged with dissembling, in that, he 
had been admitted to their Church, and had “professed 
to concur with them in all things;” that he “drew a 
company aparte, and administered the Sacraments, ” as 
minister of the Episcopal Church. This was true, but it 
was a sacred duty which he performed. Bradford says, 
that Lyford “confessed he feared he was a reprobate/’ 
and that he had wronged them. 

Oldham and Lyford were both convicted by their 
Judges, and Oldham was expelled from the Colony. Ly¬ 
ford was sentenced to expulsion, but was allowed to re¬ 
main on confession of his sins. 

Lyford, “after a month or two,” notwithstanding his 
confession, conviction and public acknowledgment, wrote 
a second letter to “ye Adventurers” in England. In this 
letter, he said that the charges made in his previous letter 
of conditions in the Colony were true; that those outside 
the Independent Church, though the Separatists were “ye 
smallest number in ye Colony,” were without Church or 
ministrie “nor had they any ministrie since they came;” 
that some ** “have, with tears, complained of this to 
me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in generall.” 

Bradford does not deny these charges of Lyford, but 
justifies their conduct, saying that they had “God’s word 
for their warrant; that ordinairie officers are bound 
cheefly to their flocks,” quoting Acts 20; 28. “Takeheed 
therefore unto yourselves and to all the flock over which 
the holy Ghost have made you overseers.” This 



COMPLAINTS AGAINST COLONY 


109 


Plymouth flock, of which Bradford and Brewster were 
“overseers/’ were Brownists. 

Lyford was a man of bad character and low morals, 
as subsequent events proved. He was not, however, 
expelled from the Colony, because of his bad character, 
or immoralities, but on account of his exposition of con¬ 
ditions in the Colony. 




Chapter XVIII 

THE ADVENTURERS BREAK 
WITH THE COLONISTS 

T HE COLONY had proven to be a losing venture 
to the Merchant Adventurers. 

The Colonists had not succeeded as farmers, because 
the country was not suitable for agriculture; they had 
not built up a fur trade with the Indians, nor had they 
been successful in their fishing ventures; they had become 
indebted to the Adventurers in a sum not less than 
fourteen hundred pounds for supplies; this was in addition 
to the amount, which the Adventurers had advanced 
them to finance the Colony in the beginning, which was 
about seven thousand pounds. 

When the report of the conditions in the Colony, from 
Oldham and Lyford, were received by the Company in 
England, “the greatest part” of the Adventurers refused 
to furnish “any further supplies” to the Colony. The. 
Company wrote the Colonists the following, as some of 
the reasons “of their breaking off from ye plantation,” 
namely, that they had “dissembled with his Majesty in 
their petition, and with ye Adventurers about ye French 
discipline;” (The French discipline did not conflict with 
that of the Established Church) further, that, though they 
denied the name of Brownists, they practiced the same. 


m 


112 


THE PILGRIMS 


The Adventurers further say, that if we continue in 
trade with you, we desire:— 

“First. That as we are partners in trade, so we may 
be in government there as our patent doth give us power. 

‘2nd. That the French discipline may be prac¬ 
tised in the plantation in substance, whereby ye 
scandalous name of ye Brownists, and other Church 
differences may be taken away. 

‘3rd. Lastly, that Mr. Robinson and his Company 
may not go over to our plantation, unless he and they 
will reconcile themselves to our Church by a recantation." 
The answer of Bradford and his associates to these 
demands was evasive; its tenor, however, was to the effect 
that they did not intend to abandon their Independent 
Church. The Adventurers were clearly right in their 
demands; they had financed the Colonists with the under¬ 
standing that the plantation was to be located in Virginia, 
under a patent in which they recognized the Established 
Church and the Supremacy of the King as spiritual and 
temporal Ruler of the Nation. 

Bradford and his associates did not go to Virginia, 
but went to New England, without the knowlege of 
the Adventurers, and without authority located their 
Colony on land to which they had no right or patent. 
When the Adventurers learned of this, in order to protect 
their interests, they obtained a patent to the land on 
which the Colony was located, and the Colonists accepted 
and claimed the land under this patent. In accepting 
and claiming under this patent they become subject to 
all the laws of England, both civil and ecclesiastical. 




ADVENTURERS BREAK WITH COLONY 113 


Bradford ignored the claim made by the Adventurers 
that as they were partners they were entitled to a voice 
in the civil government. Under their contract and patent 
the Adventurers had a right to a voice in the civil govern¬ 
ment. At this time, there were not more than twenty 
persons in the Colony from the Leyden congregation, 
and a very few Separatists from England; the remainder 
of those in the Colony were either sent over by the Ad¬ 
venturers, or had come to Plymouth from settlements 
made in other parts of Massachusetts, and were loyal to 
the Established Church; they were not Brownists, con¬ 
sequently, were not allowed the service of their Church, 
nor any voice in the civil government of the Colony. 
Under the laws of England, they were prohibited from 
attending a non-conformist meeting, yet if they did not 
“attend ye hearing of ye word” in the Independent 
Church, “they were punished for ye same.” 

When the Adventurers learned that Bradford and his 
associates had established a Brownist Church, and ex¬ 
cluded the Established Church from the Colony, they 
objected because it was in conflict with the laws of Eng¬ 
land. They, therefore, insisted on the exclusion of “Robin¬ 
son and his Company” from, the Colony, as one of the 
conditions on which they would continue to support the 
Colony, “unless he and they would reconcile themselves 
to our Church by a recantation;” they were entirely 
justified in the stand taken by them in this matter. 

Bradford, Brewster and these Plymouth Brownists 
were, as ever, intolerant and defiant of the laws, even 
though living and claiming protection under them. 




114 


THE PILGRIMS 


The Adventurers were very much dissatisfied with 
their venture. They had furnished the Colonists about 
seven thousand pounds, their original investment, and 
since that time they had advanced fourteen hundred 
pounds for buying supplies, and supporting the Colonists 
in New England; no part of these sums had been paid; the 
Colonists, however, had their living and support from the 
common store during all these years. 

All parties, both the Colonists and the Adventurers, 
were desirous of ending the contract, which by its terms 
would expire in 1627. In 1625, the Colonists sent Captain 
Miles Standish to England to raise money for the Colony, 
and to sound the Company in the matter of making 
a settlement with them, and terminating the contract. 
Some progress was made by him toward a ‘‘composition” 
with the Merchant Adventurers. The next year, 1626, 
they sent Mr. Allerton to England for the purpose of 
arranging a settlement with the Company. He returned 
in the spring of 1627 bringing with him a draft of an 
agreement for a settlement, in substance as follows,— 
The Adventurers agreed to sell to Isaac Allerton, the agent 
for the planters, their interest in all “stock, shares, lands, 
merchandise and chattels of the Company, for the sum 
of eighteen hundred pounds payable in installments 
of two hundred pounds each year, the first payment to 
be made in 1628; the Colonists agreed to sign an obligation 
for the payment of this money. This agreement was 
“very well liked,” and approved by all the plantation, 
and seven or eight of the “cheefe” men of the Colony 
signed this obligation and became bound “in ye behalfe 



ADVENTURERS BREAK WITH COLONY 115 


of ye rest” to the Adventurers for the payment of eighteen 
hundred pounds. 

This ended the community contract that had proven 
so disastrous to the merchants. Of more than eight thous¬ 
and pounds, which they had advanced to the Colonists, 
they had received nothing in return, and now accepted 
eighteen hundred pounds in full settlement of all claims 
and demands against the Colonists, and for their interest 
in all community property. 

All of the benefits had accrued to the Colonists, and 
none to the Merchant Adventurers; they had suffered a 
heavy loss instead of a profit. The Colonists had received 
their transportation and many supplies, their living and 
support for seven years, and now became possessed of all 
the property, both land and personal, of the Company, 
and had become established as the first permanent 
Colony in New England. 























Chapter XIX 

COMMUNISM 

I N the colonization of New England and Virginia, 
the contracts made between the Adventurers, that is 
the men, who furnished the money, and the emigrants, 
were communistic. 

The Merchant Adventurers were to furnish the money 
in both cases, and they were to continue together as a 
joint stock company for a period of seven years; that 
during that time the emigrants on their part, should 
work for the common good, and that the result of their 
labor should be placed in the community store house; 
that their support and supplies should be apportioned 
out of the common stock, and at the end of seven years 
all profits from whatever source should then be divided 
between the Adventurers and the emigrants on the basis 
agreed upon. 

This communistic plan was a failure in both the Vir¬ 
ginia and the New England Colonies; it destroyed individ¬ 
uality; it robbed the emigrant of the incentive to labor 
and produce; he could not enjoy the result of his thrift 
and industry, but he must share it with the incompetent 
improvident, shiftless and lazy. It proved to be profit¬ 
able neither to the Adventurers nor to the emigrants. 


117 


118 


THE PILGRIMS 


“What is a Communist? One that hath yearnings 
For equal division of unequal earnings, 

Idler or bungler or both, he is willing 

To fork out his penny and pocket your shillings.” 

It is to little purpose, and under a misconception of 
the facts, that writers, three centuries after, rail at the 
Merchant Adventurers for driving, what they term, a 
hard bargain with the Emigrants. 

This community plan was not new to the Leyden 
congregation. Various religious Sects had adopted, and 
were living under the community plan,—that is, the 
individual members were living and working on the basis 
of putting their earnings and property in one common 
stock. 

The Separatists had, to some extent, been living under 
it in Holland. In making this contract they thought that, 
if it had proven a blessing to them in their exile in Holland, 
why not in America? They were willing to accept the 
contract based on the community plan. 

As we look back through the centuries, we see one 
reason, at least, fatal to its success,—the Plymouth 
Colonists were not homogenious. The Colony was com¬ 
posed of all types of men,—the industrious, the lazy, 
the thrifty, the shiftless, the ungodly and undesirable, 
the godly, the conformists of the Established Church 
and the Brownists. Even if it had not been based on 
principles that are fundamentally wrong, yet under 
these conditions, the community plan was impossible of 
success. 

In 1623, the Governor and “cheefe” advisers awoke to 



COMMUNISM 


119 


the fact that communism was a failure. In order to 
encourage the raising of more corn a “parcell of land” 
was allotted, for the time being, to each family. The 
com raised, became the individual property of the family; 
the plan proved to be a success. 

Bradford says, that their experience shows the “vanitie 
of that conceit of Plato,” the ancient Communist,— 
“that ye taking away of propertie and bringing in com- 
munitie into a commone wealth, would make them happy 
and flourishing; as if they were wiser than God.” He 
says, that the young and able would not work for other 
men’s wives and children “without any recompense;’* 
that “victailsand clothes” were divided equally between 
the young and old, the strong and weak. “This was 
thought injustice.” 

The “Community plan was found to breed much con¬ 
fusion and discontent” among the Colonists. Com¬ 
munism was a failure. 

In 1624, the Colonists appealed to the Governor to 
have a piece of land allotted to them individually, that 
each one might cultivate, improve, keep and enjoy; 
this request was granted, and each person was allotted 
one acre of land “to them and theirs.” This was the 
beginning of the end of Communism in Plymouth Colony, 
though some years were required before it was, finally, 
abandoned. 





Chapter XX 

A MONOPOLY OF TRADE IN THE COLONY 

T HOUGH this contract and sale of all the interests 
of the Adventurers in the property and lands of the 
joint company was made in the name of Isaac Allerton, 
and the obligation for the payment of eighteen hundred 
pounds, the purchase price therefor, was signed by only 
seven or eight of “ye cheefe men” of the Colony, yet it 
was for the benefit of all the Colonists. 

Notwithstanding this fact, it is evident that Bradford, 
Allerton, Brewster and Winslow intended to take all of 
the property, lands, rights and benefits, under the con¬ 
tract of settlement, for themselves to the exclusion of all 
other Colonists. This conduct of the Brownists “cheefes” 
threatened the peace and harmony of the Colony. 

At this time, there were very few of the Colonists in 
Plymouth who had sailed in the Mayflower still living, and 
only thirty-five had arrived from Leyden since that 
time. The great majority of the Colonists were from 
England; some had been sent out under contract with the 
Adventurers and others had come on their own “Parti¬ 
cular,”—at their own expense; all of these people had 
acquired interests, either in individual or in community 
property and lands in Plymouth; they had spent their 
time, labor and money in acquiring property, and in the 


121 


122 


THE PILGRIMS 


development of the Colony; they now demanded that 
their rights, subject to the payment of the debts, should 
be recognized. They registered a vigorous protest against 
the acts of these “Pilgrim Fathers,” in claiming for them¬ 
selves all community property of the Colony. 

In order to preserve “peace and union,” and prevent 
“danger and great disturbance,” which might grow to 
ther great “hurt and prejudice,” the “Governor and 
Counsell,” and “other of their cheefes,” decided that it 
would be wise to take into partnership all “that were 
either heads of families or single yonge men of ability 
and free.” They resolved, however, to make a distribu¬ 
tion in such a manner as to retain control of the affairs of 
the Colony; they required every man to whom an allot¬ 
ment was made to pay a proportionate part of the in¬ 
debtedness. They now made distribution of the property 
in the following manner, namely,—they gave a “cowe 
and two goats to six persons, and swine by the same rule.” 
The leaders distributed the land “as seemed to them 
best.” 

1st. “To the group of from eight to fifteen, which 
number included the leaders, ** whom they regarded 
as most worthy ** they allotted the best house lots, 
the best meadows for hay and the most desirable 
fishing rights.” These were Brownists. 

2nd. “To a second group, which contained the re¬ 
mainder of the Church members, other good and, on 
the whole, desirable grants were made.” 

3rd. “Potential Church members, godly and desired 
persons, called Inhabitants, who could be trusted to 



A MONOPOLY OF TRADE 


123 


pursue agriculture as a calling, under such restrictions 
as the leaders deemed necessary, were, also, given 
land.” 

4th. “The unprivileged, those who were not 
considered as possible church members or citizens, 
received no land, had no right to cut hay on the town 
meadows, and were obliged to work as directed. These 
included all temporary residents of the Colony, called 
sojourners, people on probation pending a decision by the 
leaders as to their desirability for Colony residence, and 
the bond servants, servants, apprentices, minor children 
and slaves.” The slaves were Indians captured in war, 
and some negroes. 4 4 The inhabitants ** might graduate 

into the Freeman class, or one of the utterly unprivileged 
might become an Inhabitant at the discretion of Brad¬ 
ford, Brewster, Allerton, the son-in-law of William 
Brewster, Edward Winslow and Miles Standish. These 
few men absolutely controlled the destiny of the Colony. 
Under this plan, only members of the Independent or 
Brownist Church were allotted land, or admitted to the 
rank of Freemen. 

Governor Bradford and “some of the cheefe friends,” 
being now free from the contract with the Adventurers, 
who had forbidden them bringing any more of the Ley¬ 
den Brownists into the Colony unless they recanted, were 
desirous of “devising means to help some of their friends 
and brethren of Leyden” over to them. In order to effect 
this, Bradford says, “they resolved to rune a high course, 
and of great adventure, not knowing otherwise how to 
bring it about.” 



124 


THE PILGRIMS 


They now devised a scheme to obtain a monopoly of 
the trade of the Colony, and to get possession of all its 
personal property. To that end a contract was made in 
July 1627, “between ye Colony of New Plimoth,” whereby 
William Bradford as Governor of the Colony, gave to 
himself,— “William Bradford, Miles Standish and Isaac 
Allerton and etc.”, William Brewster and Edward 
Winslow also being parties to the contract, the use of 
the pinass, a boat and shalopp, together “with their whole 
stock of furs, pelts, beads, corn, wampumpeak, hatchets, 
knives, and etc.” and, also, “ye whole trade" of ye Colony 
“with all ye privileges thereof ** for 6 full years.’’ 
William Bradford, Captain Miles Standish and Isaac 
Allerton and others to the contract, were to pay the 
debts of the Company, namely, eighteen hundred pounds, 
to the Adventurers, “about six hundred pounds more” 
and to pay yearly “3 bushels of corne, or 6 pounds of 
tobacco” and “bestow 50 pounds per annum in hose and 
shoes** for ye collonies use,” but “to be sould under them 
for corne at six shillings per bushell.” 

The Colonists were called together and the contract 
explained to them. They approved it, with the under¬ 
standing that it was only made for the purpose of paying 
the indebtedness of the Colony. The plan, however, of 
Bradford and his “cheefe” men to bring over their Leyden 
friends was “kept secrete.” They “only privately ac¬ 
quainted some of their trusty friends therewith.” 

When it is remembered, that Plymouth was an English 
Colony, that the Colonists, were mostly loyal English 
subjects, we can understand the reason for maintaining 



A MONOPOLY OF TRADE 


125 


secrecy concerning the plan to bring to the Colony their 
Brownist friends from Leyden. 

Isaac Allerton was now sent to England to pay the first 
instalment of two hundred pounds of the debt, and obtain 
a deed to the property from the Adventurers. He was, 
also, to arrange with parties to serve them as agents and 
factors under this contract. He returned in the spring 
of 1628, bringing with him the deed from the Adventurers. 

Allerton at this time brought with him a patent for 
land on the Kennebec river, but the description was so 
indefinite that another one was obtained in 1630. This 
patent was issued to William Bradford, his heirs and as¬ 
signs, and included not only land on the Kennebec, but, 
also, a “tract of land including Plymouth," and extending 
to Narragansett Bay. The Colony was governed under 
this patent until it was merged in the Commonwealth 
of Massachusetts in 1691. 

Bradford, though Governor of the Colony, and his 
associates had thus obtained title to all the property, 
both real and personal, of the Colony, as well as a mono¬ 
poly of all the trading rights in the Colony for a period 
of six years. 

Bradford, Standish and other parties to the contract 
had implicit faith in the honesty of their co-partner Isaac 
Allerton; but in 1629, they began to suspect that he was 
not dealing honestly with them. He was, however, sent 
to England again in 1629, on business for his co-partners; 
again, his conduct of their affairs was such as to lead 
them to mistrust him. In 1630, Bradford and his assoc¬ 
iates sent Edward Winslow to England to investigate 



126 


THE PILGRIMS 


Mr. Allerton’s “course,” *** “and if he found things not 
well, to discharge him.” The charges of misconduct and 
wrong doing by Allerton were found to be true; he had 
traded with the funds of the Company, dealt in the name 
of the Company on his own account, kept profits belong¬ 
ing to them, and involved them in an indebtedness of 
about four thousand pounds. It was discovered that he 
had cleared about four hundred pounds which he had 
put “into a brew house” in London in the name of another 
person. He was, therefore, discharged and left the 
Colony. 



Chapter XXI 

SEPARATISTS ARE BROUGHT FROM LEYDEN 

I N pursuance of their secret plan, Bradford and his 
associates, in 1629, brought from Leyden thirty-five 
of their Separatist friends. They landed at Salem in the 
Massachusetts Bay Colony, and came from there to 
Plymouth. In May 1630, another company of their 
friends from Leyden, came with Winthrop’s fleet to 
Massachusetts Bay Colony, and from there to Plymouth- 
These two companies of friends from Leyden were poor, 
and without means, either to pay for their transportation 
or to support themselves after arriving at Plymouth. 
The cost to the Colony of their outfit and transportation 
was about five hundred and fifty pounds, and in addition 
they were a charge upon the Colony for about eighteen 
months after their arrival. 

There was much complaint on the part of the Colonists 
because of this burden of supporting these new Brownist 
friends from Leyden. Bradford and his associates had^ 
however, accomplished their “secrete” purpose of bringing 
them into the Colony. The expense of their transportation 
and maintenance for nearly eighteen months was paid 
out of the proceeds of the trading concession, which 
under the contract, should have been applied to the pay¬ 
ment of the debts of the Colony. 


127 


128 


THE PILGRIMS 


The power of Bradford and his associates in the Colony, 
was greatly strengthened both in the Church and in the 
State by the addition of these Brownist friends from 
Leyden; their main object in bringing them into the 
Colony was thus accomplished. 

In 1630, there were only three hundred persons in 
Plymouth Colony, and of these only sixty-eight had been 
admitted to the rank of freemen. Even a freeman was 
not allowed to own land in his own name in the Colony 
until 1640. Certain small tracts had been allotted to the 
freemen to use, cultivate and enjoy, prior to the termina¬ 
tion of the contract with the Merchant Adventurers; but 
the title to the land remained in Bradford. Through 
this means, Bradford and his associates were able to retain 
absolute and exclusive control of the affairs of the Colony. 

A new condition, however, confronted them, that 
threatened the Church and even the town of Plymouth. 

A charter was granted to the Massachusetts Bay Com¬ 
pany in 1629, to land adjoining the Plymouth Colony. 
Under this charter, there was a large emigration to New 
England by the Puritans. These new comers were neigh¬ 
bors of the Pilgrims; they needed corn, cattle and other 
supplies. The Plymouth Colonists in order to furnish 
these commodities began leaving Plymouth town, and 
“scattered all over ye Bay,” in order to secure more land 
on which to raise corn and cattle. Bradford and his 
associates saw that, if this was continued Plymouth 
town would be deserted and the Church weakened. In 
order to prevent any further “scattering,” the Governor 
and his associates refused to make allotments of land 



SEPARA TISTS BROUGHT FROM LEYDEN 129 


at a distance from Plymouth town; they decided, however, 
to allot “some good farms to spetial persons that would 
promise to live at Plimoth, ** and so tie ye lands to Pli- 
moth as farms for the same.” 

In pursuance of this plan, they allotted some “spetial 
lands” at Green Harbor, near Plymouth. “But alass! 
this remedy proved worse than ye disease.” The plan 
was a failure; the farmers insisted on living on their 
farms; these farmers and others began to “breake away,” 
and leave the town of Plymouth. A new town which they 
called “Duxbury” was soon established on the north 
side of the harbor. Captain Miles Standish moved from 
Plymouth to Duxbury. 

Bradford said of this movement to leave Plymouth and 
settle in other places,—“This, I fear, will be ye ruine of 
New England, at least of ye Churches of God ther, and 
will provock ye Lord’s displeasure against them.” 

Bradford feared that this “scattering” would end the 
dream of empire, which he, Brewster and Winslow had 
planned to establish in the New World, where they 
would be both spiritual and civil Rulers of the people. 























Chapter XXII 

COLONIAL CONTROVERSIES AND 
APPOINTMENT OF COMMISSIONERS FOR 

THE COLONIES 


A T this time,—in 1634,—the Governors and leaders 
of the various Colonies in New England became 
very much disturbed over the report that Charles the 
First, who succeeded to the throne of England on the 
death of his father, King James the First, had appointed 
a commission to investigate affairs in the Colonies. 

By the year 1634, several Colonies had been established 
in New England. The Puritan and Pilgrim Governors 
and officials of these Colonies were ruling and governing 
them, both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs, without 
regard to the terms of their charters, or of the English 
laws. Many questions and disputes were continually 
arising as to the powers of the officials in the execution 
of the laws, in their internal affairs, and especially con¬ 
cerning the rights and powers of the respective Colonies 
in their relations to each other. Reports of these disputes 
had been sent home to England. It became necessary to 
create a commission that would have the right and power 
to hear, determine, and settle these controversies. 

In order to “bring tranquility and quietness” in the 
Colonies, Charles the First created a “Commission for 


131 


132 


THE PILGRIMS 


Regulating Plantations.” He appointed to this com¬ 
mission Archbishop of Canterbury, Archbishop of York, 
Richard, Earle of Portland and others. They were 
given power to “makes lawes, constitutions and ordi¬ 
nances,” concerning lands, property, succession, and trade 
in the Colonies, to regulate their affairs with “foraigne 
princes,” and those pertaining to “ye clergic governmente 
or to ye care of souls,” and “to make provision against 
ye violation of these laws.” The Commissioners were 
given power to remove “Governors or Rulers” for cause 
which the Commissioners deemed sufficient, also to create 
courts, and to appoint “Judges and Magistrates, political 
and civil, for civil causes,” and “Judges, Magistrates and 
Dignities” in “Ecclesiastical” causes, and, generally, to 
“hear and determine ** all manner of complaints, either 
against the Colonies or their Rulers or Governors.” 

An interference with their rule, either civil or ecclesias¬ 
tical, was the last thing, which the Governors of the New 
England Colonies desired. Thomas Dudley, Governor of 
Massachusetts Bay Colony, at this time wrote a letter 
to Governor Prence of Plymouth Colony concerning the 
disputes between the respective Colonies. In this letter 
he says, that the news of this commission “wroughte 
divers fears of some trials, which are shortly like to fall 
upon us;” therefore, it seemed most desirable to “defer 
action in order to avoid a common danger to us both 
approaching.” 

Plymouth Colony had become involved in trouble with 
the French east of them. The French had entered upon 
the lands claimed by the Plymouth Colonists under their 




APPOINTMENT OF COMMISSIONERS 133 


patent, and seized one of their houses, carried away their 
goods, killed two men, and taken others prisoners. They 
had, also, for some time been having trouble with the 
Dutch on the Connecticut river. 

Although the Colony was now in a prosperous condition, 
yet many difficulties arose through the ambitious desires 
of Bradford and his associates to extend the activities of 
the Colony, outside the limits of their patent. They 
selected a site on the Connecticut river, outside the limits 
of their patent, about fifty miles north of its mouth at 
the place where Hartford now stands, as suitable for a 
plantation and trading post. Winslow and Bradford tried 
to induce the Massachusetts Bay Colony to join them, 
but they refused to do so, for there were too many dangers, 
both from the Indians, and Dutch who had already 
established a post there. 

The Plymouth Company determined to proceed in the 
enterprise alone. When the Dutch learned of this, they 
built a forte and planted there two pieces of ordinance 
to stop their passage up the river. The Plymouth Com¬ 
pany fitted out a boat with all necessaries for a trading 
post, and started up the river. When they came to the Dutch 
post, they were threatened by the Dutch, but claiming 
their right to proceed under a commission from the 
Governor of Plymouth, they were allowed to continue. 
On coming to the place where Windsor now stands, they 
built a house and fortified it. This came near involving 
them in war with the Dutch, who sent an expedition of 
seventy men against them; as the Plymouth men were 
well fortified, after a parley, the Dutch force was with- 



134 


THE PILGRIMS 


drawn. This venture, however, was a failure and the 
post was, finally, abandoned. 

In 1634, they became involved in a very serious diffi¬ 
culty over what they claimed was their exclusive right 
under their patent, to trade with the Indians on the Kenne¬ 
bec river. 

One Hocking, commanding a vessel from Piscatauqua, 
a plantation belonging to Lord Say brook, came up the 
river for the purpose of trading with the Indians above 
the trading post of the Plymouth Colony, but outside 
the Plymouth patent. The Plymouth Commander for¬ 
bade Hocking going above their post, as he would thus 
intercept the trade with the Indians that would, otherwise, 
come to the Plymouth post. Hocking insisted on his 
right to trade above the Plymouth Post, and continuing, 
anchored above the limits of the Plymouth patent; the 
Plymouth Commander ordered his men to cut the cable 
and set the vessel adrift, which they did; Hocking then 
shot and killed one of the Plymouth men, whereupon a 
Plymouth man shot Hocking, killing him. 

John Alden was at the Kennebec post at the time of the 
killing of Hocking, where he had been sent with supplies 
for the Plymouth men. Soon after this, Alden was sent 
to the Bay of Massachusetts, where he was seized and 
committed to prison. What authority the Massachusetts 
Bay Company had to arrest and confine Alden in prison 
for killing Hocking, does not appear. Captain Standish 
was sent to Massachusetts Bay to obtain his release; 
this was accomplished, but a bond was required from 
Standish obligating himself to appear at the next term 




APPOINTEMNT OF COMMISSIONERS 135 


of court, to produce a copy of the patent, and explain 
the circumstances of the killing of Hocking. The trial 
was, finally, had before Representatives of all the Planta¬ 
tions to whom the case was referred by agreement between 
the Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth Colonies. This 
commission found that the killing of Hocking was justified, 
as “his own conduct provoked it,’’and Alden was aquitted* 

A further calamity fell upon the Colony this year. 
An “infectious fever” broke out, from which over twenty 
persons died. 

Edward Winslow was now, in 1635, sent to England to 
appeal to the “Commissioners for the Plantations in 
America,” praying the Lords, either to “procure peace 
with those Foraigne States, or else to give special warrant 
to the Plymouth Colony, and ye English Colonies ** to 
defend themselves against all Foraigne enemies.” 

The wiser heads in the other Colonies did not approve 
of this petition. They thought that the wiser course 
was to do nothing to invite interference by the English 
Government with their rule in the Colonies. Governor 
Winthrop of the Massachusetts Bay Colony says, that 
it was “undertaken by ill advice, for such precedents 
might endanger our liberty, that we should do nothing 
but by commission out of England.” The Puritan 
Colonies of Massachusetts Bay, did not want their civil 
or their church policies disturbed. 

The Archbishop was favorable to Winslow’s petition^ 
as it was his desire and purpose to send some one to New 
England clothed with “Episcopal power to disturb the 
peace of ye churches” there, and “to overthrow their 
proceedings and further growth.” 



136 


THE PILGRIMS 


Winslow thought that his plans were prospering, but 
his visit to England proved to be very disastrous to him. 
At the hearing of his petition, before the Lord’s High 
Commissioners, the Bishop began to question him con¬ 
cerning the Church at Plymouth. He was accused of 
teaching, i. e.—preaching—publicly in the church; he 
admitted that, as they had no minister, “he did exercise his 
gift to help the edification of his brethren.” The further 
charge was made against him that he, not being a minister, 
performed the ceremony of marriage; he answered that as 
a Magistrate he “had sometimes married some, ** that 
marriage was a civil thing, and he found nowher in ye 
word of God that it was tyed to ministrie;” that he “had 
been so married himselfe in Holland by ye Magistrate in 
their Statt-House.” 

It is difficult to reconcile the inconsistent position 
taken by these Pilgrim Fathers. They were on English 
territory, and even now Winslow was claiming the pro¬ 
tection of his Majesty, whom they recognized as both 
temporal and spiritual Ruler of England and the English 
Colonies, against their “Foraigne enemies.” They knew 
that under the laws of England, marriage was more than 
a civil contract; that it had a spiritual significance, and 
was a religious right under the laws of the Church and 
State; that only a clergyman could perform the ceremony, 
and that the laws and customs of Holland could have no 
binding force, and did not obtain in English territory. 

Winslow had broken the laws of his King and country. 
He was found guilty and was committed to prison,—in 
“ye Fleete.’’ He remained in prison over four months. 



APPOINTMENT OF COMMISSIONERS 137 


Plymouth Colony had been making grants of land to 
various parties for settlements in the territory covered 
by their patent. The title, however, was retained by 
William Bradford. A settlement had been made at 
Scituate, and another bordering on “their neighbors of 
ye Massachusetts.” A dispute arose between the Colonists 
under the Plymouth grant, and those of the Massachusetts 
Bay Colony as to their boundary line; they desired 
to avoid submitting this controvresy to the “Commission¬ 
ers of Plantations.” A commission was, therefore, 
appointed, consisting of two men from each Colony, to 
settle this dispute. In 1640, the Commissioners made an 
agreement fixing “ye bounds betwixte Plimoth and Massa¬ 
chusetts,” without the intervention of the Royal Com¬ 
missioners of Plantations. 

The country around Plymouth was barren, so that 
both the old settlers there as well as “new comers,” 
located in various parts of the Plymouth territory. Set¬ 
tlements had been made at Duxbury, Scituate, Taunton, 
Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marshfield, Seacunke, 
afterwards called Rehoboth, and Nawsett; but these 
settlers had no title to the lands held by them; they now 
brought proceedings against William Bradford, who held 
the title under the patent, and obtained an order of 
court, directing him to convey to them their respective 
parcels of land. Under this order William Bradford made 
deeds to the settlers to the various tracts of land which 
each had bought. 







Chapter XXIII 

THE CONFEDERATION 


B Y the year 1643, several different “Plantations” had 
been established in New England, viz,—New Pli- 
moth, Bay of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Haven, 
Maine, Providence and Rhode Island. In this year, four 
of these Plantations, i. e., New Plimoth, Bay of Massa¬ 
chusetts, Connecticut and New Haven formed a Con¬ 
federation to be called by “ye name of the United Colonies 
of New England.” This Confederation was “for offense 
and defense,” for the preservation and propagation of 
“ye truth of ye gospel, and for their own mutual saftie 
and welfare.” The Maine, Providence, and Rhode 
Island Plantations were refused admission to this federa¬ 
tion, because their broader religious views were not in 
harmony with the narrow and exclusive theological opin¬ 
ions of the members of the Confederation. 

The Articles of Confederation provided, among other 
things, for the joint prosecution of war, whether offensive 
or defensive, the number of soldiers each plantation 
should furnish, the sharing of the expense, and, also, for 
a division of the spoils of war, “whether it be in lands, 
goods or persons ** among ye said Confederates.” 

The Confederation was to be managed by two commis¬ 
sioners from each Plantation, “being all in Church fellow- 


139 


140 


THE PILGRIMS 


ship with us." These Commissioners were given power 
to “determine all affairs of war or peace, and the charges 
and numbers of men for war, division of spoyles , and what¬ 
ever is gotten by conquest , ** to frame and establish agree¬ 
ments and orders in general cases of a civil nature” in 
cases where all Plantations were interested; to preserve 
peace amongst themselves; to determine how each 
Plantation should conduct itself toward the Indians,— 
“that they neither grow insolent, nor be injured without 
due satisfaction. 

The irony of providing in these Articles of Confedera¬ 
tion, both for the “preserving and propagating ye truth 
of ye gospel,” and for a war of conquest and a division 
of the “spoyles of war,” not only of lands, goods and 
property, but, also, of the persons of prisoners captured 
did not occur to these Pilgrims and Puritans. They did 
nothing toward “propagating ye truth of ye gospel.” On 
the contrary, they divided between them, as slaves, 
Indians taken prisoners in war, and at times sold these 
Indians to the slave traders for the Barbadoes. 

The Commissioners did not confine themselves to 
affairs affecting the four Plantations. They assumed 
jurisdiction over many other matters. In disputes be¬ 
tween various Indian tribes, they assumed the power to 
act, and make findings in favor of one tribe against its 
disputant, and to take steps to enforce their decree. 

In 1662, New Haven Colony was absorbed by Connec¬ 
ticut. The Confederacy of the four Colonies, viz:—Massa¬ 
chusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven, now 
ceased to function; though the Commissioners of the 



THE CONFEDERATION 


141 


three Colonies met occasionally, yet they accomplished 
nothing. The last meeting of the Commissioners was 
held in 1684. 

During the existence of the Confederation, with the 
exception of the settlement of some boundary disputes and 
the prosecution of Indian Wars, little had been accom¬ 
plished for the common good of the Colonies. 


























Chapter XXIV 

DEATH OF WILLIAM BRADFORD, AND 
DECADENCE OF PLYMOUTH COLONY 

B RADFORD’S history of Plymouth Colony ends with 
the year 1648. He died in 1657, at the age of sixty- 
eight years. He was one of the few Pilgrim Fathers who 
had any education. During a period of thirty-seven 
years, he was most prominent in all affairs of the Colony, 
both civil and religious. He was Governor of the Colony 
from March 1621 to 1649, except five years, and he was 
an assistant during those five years. As Governor, he 
was practically the Ruler, both of the Independent 
Church and of the civil government. 

The right of franchise was not dependent on member¬ 
ship in the Church, but only freemen could vote and 
only such as Bradford desired, were admitted to free- 
manship. No person was permitted to “live and inhabit 
within the government of New Plymouth without the 
leave or liking of the Governor or two of his assistants 
at least.” Bradford says, “Touching our government, 
** we do not admit women and children ** neither do 
we admit any but such as are above the age of twenty-one 
years, and they, also, but only in some weighty matters, 
when we think good.” 

He was rigorous in the punishment of those who were 


143 


144 


THE PILGRIMS 


undesirable, or who did not observe the rules adopted by 
him and his assistants for the regulation of,the Colony, 
both in civil and religious matters. He knew no difference 
between men and women in administering the laws; he 
was equally severe in the punishment of both. 

His history does not show that he encouraged or fos¬ 
tered education in the Colony, nor sought the spiritual 
welfare of the people. He procured no minister until 
1629, and no church was built until 1648; no religious 
service, except that of the Separatist Church, was 
permitted in the Colony. His quotations from the old 
Testament are frequent, and breathe a religious tone, but 
the spirit of the Divine Master never found lodgement 
in his heart. His history is written in a temperate and 
almost a gentle spirit, whether recording ordinary events 
or happenings in the Colony, or reciting the massacre by 
sword and fire of their “enemies the Pequods,” and of 
the “sweete sacrifice” of “ye victory.” 

He knew no mercy in his treatment of the Indians; he 
treated them with military rigor and cruelty, even to 
their enslavement as spoils of war. He sent an expedi¬ 
tion, under Captain Miles Standish, to capture an Indian 
Chief, Corbitant, with orders to cut off his head, if they 
found him guilty of the charges against him. In another 
expedition, Captain Standish cut off the head of the 
Indian, Wituwamet, and carried it to Plymouth, where it 
was fixed on a pike on the church-fortress, that it might 
be viewed by the entire Colony. 

The Separatists did not permit religious services at the 
burial of their dead. Consequently, there was no burial 




DECADENCE OF PLYMOUTH COLONY 145 


service for Bradford. His rule had been rather military than 
religious, and his funeral service was of the same character. 

The decadence of Plymouth Colony became more no¬ 
ticeable after the death of William Bradford, and in a 
few years passed out of existence as a separate Colony. 

The Train Band escorted his body to the grave, several 
volleys were fired, and the mortal remains of Governor 
Bradford were left to mingle with the dust from whence 
they came. 

In 1649, Charles the First was beheaded, and the 
Commonwealth became the ruling power in England and 
her Colonies. 

New Plymouth was “unaspiring and poor.” It was 
deemed wise, therefore, “to keep on good terms," with 
the ruling power. The Colonists recognized the new 
Commonwealth, and in 1652 “kept a day of thanksgiving" 
for “Cromwell’s victory at Worcester.” 

In 1658, there were eleven towns scattered over the 
Plymouth territory, but in all these towns there were 
only three hundred freemen. The result could not have 
been otherwise, under the narrow and selfish policies of 
Bradford and his associates. “No person could become 
an inhabitant without the permission of the authorities, 
and the right of expulsion was freely exercised.” Their 
efforts were directed, not to the growth and develop¬ 
ment of the Colony, but to the perpetuation of themselves 
as rulers of New Plymouth.” 

The death of Cromwell, on September 3,1658, succeeded 
by his son in a short reign, was followed by the restoration 
of Charles the Second in 1660. 



146 


THE PILGRIMS 


The laws of Uniformity were re-enacted; In England 
the use of the Prayer Book was enforced, and every 
minister was required to consent thereto. 

In 1665, Royal Commissioners were sent to the Colonies 
to investigate conditions, settle disputes, and receive 
acknowledgments of fealty to the new King. 

The Royal Commissioners required of Plymouth that 
“all householders should take the oath of allegiance, 
that courts should be held in the King’s name, that the 
franchise should not depend on religious opinion, that the 
Christian ordinances should be free to all persons of 
orthodox opinions, competent knowledge, and civil lives, 
not scandalous,’’ and that “all laws and expressions of 
laws, derogatory to his Majesty, should be repealed.” 

Plymouth Colony had grown weak and impotent; it 
promptly agreed to these conditions, and “did most 
humbly and faithfully submit and oblige themselves for¬ 
ever to his Majesty, his heirs and successors.” 

Plymouth Colony, under the control of and dominated 
by a few men with but very little education, experience 
or ability, but with all absorbing ambition to build up a 
civil government, failed to grow or prosper, either material¬ 
ly or religiously. While not a theocracy, yet the Church 
was the nucleus and basis for an autocracy ruled by Brad¬ 
ford for several years. From the time of the appointment 
of five assistants to the Governor, until Plymouth was 
incorporated into Massachusetts, in 1691, it was an 
oligarchy. 

In 1665, after nearly half a century, there were only 
twelve small plantations or settlements with five thousand 




DECADENCE OF PLYMOUTH COLONY 147 


people in the entire territory of Plymouth Colony. The 
most of these had come from the Massachusetts Bay and 
Connecticut Colonies; yet Plymouth was the first per¬ 
manent Colony in New England. At this time, 1665, 
even Connecticut had ten thousand and Massachusetts 
Bay had twenty-five thousand inhabitants. 

Plymouth had neither developed agriculture, business 
or industry; it had not fostered education or enjoyed 
religious or civil freedom. It was a failure as a Colony. 

















































Chapter XXV 

PLYMOUTH INCORPORATED IN THE 
“PROVINCE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY 
IN NEW ENGLAND” 

T HROUGH the weakness of Plymouth Colony, it 
outwardly, at least, submitted to the rule of Charles 
the Second. The Rulers made no change, however, in 
their civil or religious policies. 

Other New England Colonies, notably Massachusetts, 
were defiant toward the Mother Country. The Regicides* 
Whalley and Goff, after the restoration, fled to Massa¬ 
chusetts, and found refuge and protection under the 
Puritan government. The Massachusetts Bay Colony, 
under the leadership of strong and able men, had grown 
in industries, wealth and importance. The Colony as¬ 
sumed the right to rule independently of the King, though 
living under a patent granted them by Charles the First. 

Charles the Second, therefore, determined to revoke 
the charter of the New England Colonies. An Action 
was brought against the Massachusetts Bay Colony, and 
a decree was entered in favor of the Crown in 1684, 
forfeiting and annulling its patent. 

Charles the Second died in 1685, and was succeeded 
by James the Second, who adopted the policies of Charles 
In pursuance thereof, the King, in the latter part of 1686. 


149 


150 


THE PILGRIMS 


appointed Sir Edmund Andros, Governor, and he came 
to Boston “bearing a commission for the government of 
all New England.” The Colonies were consolidated by 
him under the title of “The Dominion of New England.” 

The reign of James the Second was very short. In 
1688, he was driven from the throne by the English 
Revolution, and William and Mary were made King and 
Queen of England in 1689. 

The Massachusetts Bay Colony now presented a peti¬ 
tion to William and Mary praying that a charter be 
granted the Colony. Plymouth Colony, having failed in 
its attempt to obtain a charter from the King, now de¬ 
sired to be incorporated in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. 

In 1691, the King and Queen granted a charter uniting 
and incorporating therein the Colonies of Massachusetts 
Bay, Plymouth, Maine and Nova Scotia and some other 
land, into one province under the name of the “Province 
of Massachusetts Bay in New England.” The history 
of Plymouth Colony from this time (1691) was merged 
in that of Massachusetts. 

This charter gave to them all of the rights, privileges 
and powers, including the right of fanchise, of free British 
subjects. Under this charter all of the Plymouth Colonists 
for the first time in its history, enjoyed both religious and 
civil liberty. They now, after nearly three quarters of a 
century, possessed the same rights and powers that the 
Virginia Colonists had enjoyed since 1619. 

The charter provided for a Governor, Lieutenant 
Governor and Secretary, to be appointed by the King, 
and twenty-eight counsellors or assistants. The charter 



PROVINCE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY 151 


further provided for a Great and General Assembly to 
consist of the Governor and Council or assistants, and a 
House of Representatives of such freeholders of the Pro¬ 
vince, as shall from time to time, be elected or deputed 
by the major part of the freeholders and other inhabi¬ 
tants of the respective towns or places, who shall be present 
at such election; each of said towns or places being em¬ 
powered “to elect and depute two persons and no more, 
to serve for and represent them respectively in the Great 
and General Assembly.” After 1693, the twenty-eight 
counsellors or assistants were to be newly chosen each 
year by the General Court or Assembly. Eighteen 
counsellors were to be elected from the original Colony 
of Massachusetts Bay, four from New Plymouth, three 
from the Province of Maine, and one “at the least” from 
the territory between the river of Sadagehack and Nova 
Scotia. 

The General Court or Assembly was given the power 
to make “laws, statutes and ordinances ** so as the same 
be not repugnant or contrary to the laws ** of England.” 
The Governor, however, was given the power of veto, 
and no law or act passed or done by the Assembly was 
to be of any force or effect, unless approved by the Govern¬ 
or in writing. All laws passed by the Assembly were to 
be reported to the King, and the right reserved by him 
to reject or disallow any law. If, however, he failed to 
do so in three years after the same was presented to him, 
then such law was to stand in full force and effect. 

This charter contained a provision that is significant 
when we remember the claim made for the Separatists 



152 


THE PILGRIMS 


that they came to the New World to find religious freedom. 
Religious liberty, denied by the Pilgrims and Puritans, 
was unknown in New England until granted by this char¬ 
ter in 1691, by King William and Queen Mary, in the 
following language,—“We do grant, establish, and ordain, 
that forever hereafter there shall be a liberty of conscience 
allowed in the worship of God to all Christians (except 
papists) inhabiting, or which shall inhabit, or be residents 
within our said Province or Territory.” 

The Pilgrims and Puritans had denied civil rights to 
all Colonists except to a chosen few. This charter pro¬ 
vided that every subject coming to or inhabiting the 
territory and “their children born there, or on the seas 
in going hither or returinng from thence, shall have and 
enjoy all liberties and immunities of free and natural 
subjects within any of the dominions” of England. 

Religious and civil liberty, denied English subjects in 
Plymouth Colony under the autocratic and oligarchic rule 
of the Pilgrim Fathers, was now assured to them “forever.” 
Emancipation came to the Colonists of Plymouth Colony 
through this charter granted by the King and Queen of 
England,—the Heads of the Established Church. 



Chapter XXVI 

PILGRIMS AND THE INDIANS 

O NE of the reasons given by Bradford for their re¬ 
moval to the New World was an “inward zeall ** of 
laying some good foundation ** for ye propagating and 
advancing ye gospel of ye Kingdom of Christ in those 
remote parts of the world;” this same thought was ex¬ 
pressed in the Articles of Confederation of the Colonies. 
Notwithstanding this express purpose, they came bringing 
no message of love, friendship, or peace to the Indians, 
but a war of subjugation and conquest. 

They had heard that the inhabitants of the New World 
were “cruel, barbarous and most treacherous,” who 
delighted “to tormente men in ye most bloody manner." 
The Pilgrims, therefore, came prepared, not to convert, 
but to subjugate the savages. They employed Captain 
Miles Standish, a military commander, and brought with 
them armour, swords, guns, cannon and ammunition. 
They came prepared for war. 

For some time after arriving at Plymouth, they saw 
but few Indians, and these fled at the approach of the 
white men. On account of an epidemic, they learned 
that many Indians had died, and Plymouth and the 
country around had been deserted by them. In December, 
1620, while a party, fully armed with cutlass, armour and 

153 


/ 


154 


THE PILGRIMS 


guns, was exploring the coast the Indians attacked them 
with arrows; a volley from the guns of the Pilgrims 
“quickly stopped their violence;” one valiant Indian 
stood behind a tree and “let his arrows flie at them,” 
but without hurting anyone; a shot, however, from a 
musket, which splintered the bark of a tree, dislodged 
him, after which they “went away.” It was afterward 
learned that this attack was by Indians belonging to a 
tribe that had been wronged by Englishmen a few years 
before. In 1614, Captain Hunt, the master of one of 
the ships of Captain John Smith, then engaged in ex¬ 
ploring the coast, had kidnapped several Indians, taken 
them to Spain and sold them as slaves. 

About the middle of March, an Indian “came bouldly 
amongst them;” he could talk broken English, which he 
had learned from some English fishing parties on the 
coast; his name was Samoset; he was friendly, and gave 
the settlers much valuable information. He departed, 
but soon came again with five more Indians. At this 
visit, the way was prepared for the coming of their “great 
Sachem, Massasoit.” Four or five days later, Massasoit 
with a body of attendants came to Plymouth; with them 
was an Indian, called by Bradford, Squanto; he was one 
of the Indians that had been kidnapped by Captain 
Hunt and taken to England. During his captivity, he 
had learned to speak English, and now acted as interpreter 
at this meeting between the English and Massasoit. 

“After friendly entertainment, and some gifts given 
them,” the Governor made a treaty of peace with this 
Indian Chief. By this treaty it was agreed by Massasoit: 



PILGRIMS AND INDIANS 


155 


1. “That neither he, nor any of his should injure 
nor hurt” any of the English. 

2. That if they did, the offender should be sent to 
the English for punishment. 

3. That if the Indians stole anything from the 
English, it should be restored to them, and they, the 
English would do likewise. 

4. If any unjust war should be made against 
Massasoit, they would aid him, and if any should war 
against the English, he should aid them. 

5. That he would send notice of this treaty of peace 
to the neighboring tribes, that they might, also, make 
treaties of peace with the English. 

6. That when the Indians came to them, they would 
leave their “bowes and arrows” behind. 

Massasoit faithfully kept his covenant of peace with 

the English settlers until his death—a period of forty 
years. 

Squanto was a faithful and invaluable friend to the 
Plymouth Colonists; he instructed them in the planting 
and raising of corn and was their guide, interpreter and 
messenger to the Indians. He died in September 1622, 
while acting as guide and interpreter for Captain Standish 
and a party of men who were sent on a mission to buy 
corn from the Indians. 

The Colonists invited Massasoit and his tribe to the 
first Thanksgiving feast in the New World in 1621. Nine¬ 
ty Indians came to this feast and remained for three 
days, spending the time in feasting, outdoor sports, 
“singing and dancing.” 



156 


THE PILGRIMS 


In 1621, the Narragansetts sent a messenger to the 
Colonists with a bundle of arrows tied about with a 
great snake skin; this was interpreted as a challenge and 
threat of war. The Governor sent back the snake skin 
with bullets in it. He, also, sent “them a round answer, 
that if they had rather have warre than peace” they 
could have it. 

An Indian, called Hobamack, came to live with them; 
he was ever faithful and constant “to ye English till he 
died.” Squanto and Hobamack were sent on business for 
the Colony to the Indians. An Indian Sachem, Corbi- 
tant, attempted to stab Hobamack, who escaped, and 
reported to the Governor that he feared Squanto had been 
killed. The Governor then sent Captain Standish and 
fourteen men, well armed, against the Indians, with 
instructions that, if they found Squanto had been killed, 
they should cut off Corbitant’s head. They found Squanto 
alive, but three Indians were wounded, while they were 
trying to escape from the Englishmen. 

The next act of cruelty of the Pilgrim Fathers to the 
Indians arose under the following circumstances,—Thomas 
Weston in 1622, had established a Colony at Wessa- 
gussett on Massachusetts Bay. They were improvident, 
and soon fell into dire necessity for food. They had 
wronged the Indians by stealing their corn. Bradford 
says, that they “fell to plaine stealing both by day and 
night from the Indians.” These, with other wrongs, so 
incensed the Indians that they entered into a conspiracy 
to “cut off Mr. Weston’s people for the continual injuries 
which they did them.” A messenger now came from 



PILGRIMS AND INDIANS 


157 


Weston’s men to Plymouth, and reported their condition 
and their danger. Captain Standish and some men were 
sent to the relief of Weston’s men, whom they found in a 
“miserable condition out of which he rescued them,” and 
“cut off some few of ye chief conspirators.” 

Captain John Smith adds some facts about this relief 
expedition omitted by Bradford. Smith says, that the 
Pilgrim Fathers “appointed Standish with eight chosen 
men, under color of trade” to catch the Indians in their 
own trap. The savages suspected that their plot against 
Weston’s men was discovered, and Pecksniff, one of the 
chief conspirators, came to Hobamack, the friendly 
Indian who was with Standish, and said to him, “tell 
Standish we know he is come to kill us, but let him begin 
when he dare.” Pecksniff and another chief conspirator, 
Wittuwamet, were insolent and threatening. Finally, 
Captain Standish with his company about him, suc¬ 
ceeding in getting Pecksniff, Wittuwamet and two other 
Indians in a room, where they murdered Pecksniff, 
Wittuwamett and the two other Indians; they, also, hung a 
youth—a brother of Wittuwamett—and the next day slew 
three other Indians. The Indians were so terrified by 
Standish and his men, that they left their habitations 
and fled to the swamps, where many died from “cold and 
infinite diseases.” Captain Standish cut off the head of 
Wittuwamett, carried it to Plymouth, and fixed this 
“ghastly trophy of conquest” on a pole on the fort. 

Evidently, the Pilgrim Fathers did not send to Holland 
an account of the murder of these Indians by Captain 
Standish and his Company. Pastor Robinson heard of 



158 


THE PILGRIMS 


these murders from others; when he heard of it “at first 
by report and since by more certain relation,” he wrote 
Governor Bradford a letter deploring and condemning it 
saying,—“Concerning ye killing of these poor Indians 
** Oh, How happy had it been if you had converted some 
before you had killed any, ** besides where blud is once 
begun to shed, it is seldom stanched for a long time.” 
He, also, adds a word concerning Captain Standish, who 
had been trained in the Low Countries in the barbarous 
methods and cruelties of the war with Spain; he says, 
“there may be wanting that tenderness of ye life of man 
** which is meete. **** It is, also, a thing more glorious 
in men’s eyes, than pleasing in God’s o* convenient for 
Christians, to be a terror to poore barbarous people.” 

The threatening attitude of the Indians toward Weston’s 
men had been provoked and invited by the injuries 
they had received from them. The inhuman and bar¬ 
barous treatment and murder of these Indians by Standish 
and his armed men under color of trading, and the terror 
which they inspired that drove their families to the 
swamp to die of cold and disease was without justification. 
Terrorizing the Indians was the policy of the Pilgrim 
Fathers. 

In 1634, an epidemic of small-pox broke out among the 
Indian tribes, living on the Connecticut river north of 
the trading post of Plymouth Colony, from which one 
half of the members of one tribe, and great numbers of 
other tribes, died. 

The English settlers in New England had their first 
Indian war in 1637. This war was with the Pequods; it 



PILGRIMS AND INDIANS 


159 


was provoked by the ill treatment of the Indians by Eng¬ 
lishmen. The Pequod tribe lived in Connecticut territory 
on the Connecticut river at a great distance, and separated 
from Plymouth territory by the Massachusetts Bay 
Colony. 

The first difficulty with this tribe grew out of the killing 
of Captain Stone by them in 1624. Captain Stone, a 
disreputable fellow, sailing the seas from the West Indies 
to New England in quest of adventure and conquest 
was equally ready to steal a ship and property, or commit 
murder. 

In 1634, Captain Stone, with a company sailed up the 
Connecticut river. Bradford says, “I know not for what 
occasion ** nor how he carried” himself toward the 
Indians, but the Indians knocked him in the head and 
killed the rest of his Company. The Indians claimed that 
Captain Stone surprised and seized two of their men and 
“bound them,” and nine Indians watched them, and 
killed Stone and his company while they were asleep, in 
order to rescue the Indians from Stone. 

These Indians soon quarreled with the Dutch, who 
lived near them; in this quarrel the Dutch “slew the 
chief Sachem.” They had, also, quarreled with the 
Narragansetts, a tribe “bordering on them.” The 
Pequods knowing they had killed an Englishman, Captain 
Stone, had quarreled with the Dutch and with thei r 
neighboring tribe, the Narragansetts, now sought the 
friendship of the English of Massachusetts. To that end, 
they sent the Massachusetts Bay Colony gifts of wampum 
and beaver. 



160 


THE PILGRIMS 


Governor Winthrop, of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, 
now “concluded a peace and friendship with them, upon 
these conditions,—that they should deliver up to us those 
men who were guilty of Stone’s death. And if we desired 
to plant in Connecticut, they should give up their right 
to us, and so we would send to trade with them as our 
friends.’’ Winthrop adds, that this trade “was ye cheefe 
thing we aimed at." To these conditions the Indians 
readily agreed, asking, however, “that we should mediate 
a peace between them and the Narragansetts.’’ 

In 1636, John Oldham, an inhabitant of Massachusetts, 
while on a trading expedition to the Indians, quarreled 
with them and was killed. Oldham’s murderers fled to the 
Pequods who refused to surrender them to the English. 
Governor Vane, of Massachusetts, now sent Mr. Endicott 
with a party of ninety men to demand satisfaction of the 
Pequods for the murder of Oldham and four other traders. 
This was Endicott’s first mission of this kind; he fell 
upon the Indians, killed some of them, and burned their 
wigwams; this only embittered the Indians; it meant 
war. The Indians retaliated by assaulting, killing and 
mutilating some, and burning buildings and killing 
cattle. A band of Pequods attacked Wethersfield, “killed 
seven men, a woman and child, and carried away two 
girls.” The Pequods now attempted to induce the 
Narragansetts to join them in their war against the Eng¬ 
lish. Through the good influences, however, of Roger 
Williams, the Narragansetts refused to enter the war. 

The distressed Colonists in Connecticut, now appealed 
to Massachusetts and Plymouth for aid. Massachusetts 



PILGRIMS AND INDIANS 


161 


dispatched a force of twenty men under Captain John 
Underhill, who arrived in time to assist in the attack on 
the Indians. Plymouth agreed to send fifty men, but 
before they were ready to march, news was received of 
the defeat of the Indians. The men from Massachusetts 
and Connecticut surrounded the fort of the Pequods, and 
entered the fort through openings in the palisades in the 
night; the Indians were surprised and taken unaware; 
the English set fire to the wigwams and burned many 
men, women and children alive. Bradford says, “that 
more were burned to death than was otherwise slain.” 
Those that escaped the fire were slain with the sword, 
“some hew^ed to pieces, others run through with their 
rapiers. It was a fearful sight to see them thus frying 
in ye fire, and ye streams of blood quenching ye same. 
But ye victory seemed a sweete sacrifice, and they gave 
the prays to God.” About four hundred Indians were 
slain. 

The next day, another body of about three hundred 
Pequods approached from another fort. On discovering 
the English they retreated, and being pursued, fled and 
took refuge in a swamp. The English hunted them 
down and killed all of them, except some women and 
children whom they captured. 

These prisoners were regarded as spoils of war. Some 
were sold as slaves to their ancient enemies,—the Mohicans 
and Narragansett tribes, and some were distributed 
among the English Colonists; the women and maid 
children were “disposed about in ye town,” and the “male 
children to Bermuda.” The wife and children of Mono- 



162 


THE PILGRIMS 


notti, a Sachem, were among the prisoners. She was a 

t 

“woman of a very modest countenance and behavior. 
One of her requests was, that the English would not 
abuse her body, and that her children might not be taken 
from her.” 

This was a short but bloody war. “There had been 
slaine and taken prisoner in all about 700.” But few 
escaped. Through a most inhuman and blood thirsty 
cruelty, seldom, if ever, equalled by savages, the Pequod 
tribe became extinct, and Connecticut took possession of 
their lands. 

In 1643, the English had a difficulty with the Indians, 
which came near involving them in another Indian war. 
This grew out of an assumption on the part of the Com¬ 
missioners of the Confederated Colonies, that they had 
the right to settle disputes between the Indian tribes. 

The Narragansetts and the Mohicans had been allies 
of the Colonies in the Pequod war. The Narragansetts, 
having a difficulty with the Mohicans, their Chief, 
Miantinomo, sought the death of Uncass, Chief of the 
Mohicans, by hiring someone “to kill him.” Failing in 
this, the Narragansetts with an army of nine hundred 
men, suddenly, fell upon the Mohicans. The Narragan¬ 
setts were defeated in battle, and their Chief, Miantinomo, 
was taken prisoner by the Mohicans. Uncass then sought 
the advice of the Commissioners of the Confederated 
Colonies as to putting Miantinomo to death. The Com¬ 
missioners decided that since Uncass “could not be safe 
whilst Miantinomo lived,” that “he, Uncass, might 
justly put such a false and blood thirstie enemie to death.” 



PILGRIMS AND INDIANS 


163 


Their judgment carried with it a recommendation that 
his execution should not be one of “torture and cruelty” 
as practiced by the Indians. Uncass thereupon executed 
his enemy “in a very fair manner ** with due respect to 
his honor and greatness.” 

This execution of the Chief on the advice of the English, 
even though he was sent to his death in a royal manner, 
did not bring peace, either between the Indian tribes, or 
to the English; on the contrary, the Narragansetts became 
bitter enemies of the English, whom they regarded as 
responsible for the death of their Chief. 

The next year, the Narragansetts became threatening 
and hostile, and murdered several English settlers in the 
Connecticut plantation. They next fell upon the Mohicans 
and slew some of them. Uncass appealed to the English 
for protection. Again the Commissioners assumed juris¬ 
diction to hear and settle disputes between these Indian 
tribes; they summoned the “Sagamores,” both of the 
Mohicans and Narragansetts, to appear for a trial of their 
disputes before the Commissioners. Both tribes responded 
to the summons, and sent their Sachems to appear before 
the Commissioners for trial; the Commissioners again 
found the issues in favor of their friend, Uncass. 

The Narragansetts only partially accepted the verdict. 
They agreed for themselves and the Nyanticks “that no 
hostile acts should be committed upon Uncass or any of 
his tribes, until after ye next planting of corn,” and that 
they would “give 30 days warning to ye Governor of 
Massachusetts or Connecticut.” Uncass, also, agreed to 
observe the same terms of peace with the Narragansetts. 



164 


THE PILGRIMS 


Neither of the tribes kept this agreement. In 1645, what 
Bradford calls ‘‘underhand assaults were made on both 
sides;” the Narragansetts then “gathered a great power 
and fell upon Uncass,” killing and wounding many of 
his tribe. The English came to the aid of Uncass and 
saved his tribe from extermination. 

The Commissioners then sent messengers to the Narra¬ 
gansetts and Uncass to command them to come, or send 
persons to explain to the Commissioners their conduct 
in not observing the terms of the peace agreement; further, 
that if the Narragansetts refused or delayed, the English 
would send a force to defend Uncass. This hostile message 
from the English produced the usual result. In response, 
the Narragansetts returned a threatening message; the 
Commissioners were warned that the Narragansetts and 
other Indian tribes were preparing, and that “war would 
presently break forth and the whole country would be 
all aflame.” 

The Commissioners, thereupon, proceeded to raise three 
hundred men from the four Confederated Colonies to 
send against the Indians. The Narragansetts, hearing of 
this, again fell upon Uncass and “gave him another blow;” 
they said “ they were resolved to have no peace without 
Uncass head;” that unless the English would “withdraw 
their garrison from Uncass, that they would procure the 
help of the Mohawks; that they would lay ye English 
cattle on heaps as high as their houses, and that no Eng¬ 
lishman should stir out of his door, but he should be 
killed.” The English again sent messengers to the Narra¬ 
gansetts with instructions, to say, that if they would 




PILGRIMS AND INDIANS 


165 


make reparation for the past and give good security for 
the future, the English would be “as tender of ye Narra- 
gansetts’ blood as ever;’’ but, “that if they would have 
nothing but war, the English are providing and will 
proceed accordingly.’’ Within a few days the principal 
Sachems of the Narragansetts with a large train of men, 
came to Boston. 

Another treaty of peace was made between the Indian 
tribes and the Commissioners. This treaty provided, 
among other things, that the Narragansetts should pay to 
the Commissioners, in satisfaction of the expenses of the 
war, “2000 fathome of good white wampum, payable in 
installments, the whole to be paid within two years;’’ 
that all “captives, men, women and children,” taken, 
either by the Narragansetts and Nyantics, or by Uncass, 
should be restored to their respective tribes; that the 
Narragansetts and Nyantics should “keep and maintain 
a firm and perpetual peace, both with the English Colonies, 
with Uncass and all other Indian tribes friendly to or 
subject to ye English that the Narragansetts and 
Nyantics would not “give, grant, sell or in any manner 
alienate any part of their country, nor any parcel of land 
either to any of ye English or other, without consent or 
allowance of ye Commissioners. ’ ’ 

There is no justification for this treatment of the Narra¬ 
gansetts by the Pilgrims and Puritans. They assumed 
the right to interfere in the quarrels between Mianto- 
nomo, the Narragansett Chief, and Uncass; they espoused 
the cause of Uncass, and sent the Narragansett Chief to 
his death; although both tribes had agreed to keep the 



166 


THE PILGRIMS 


peace, yet Uncass and the Narragansetts were equally 
guilty of making “underhand” assaults on each other. 
Uncass, when defeated by the Narragansetts, always 
appealed to the English, who, invariaby, came to his 
relief. There could have been but one result,—the threat 
of war upon the English settlers by the Narragansetts. 
When the army of 300 men, armed with guns and swords, 
was ready to march against the Indians, armed only 
with bows and arrows, the Narragansetts, remembering 
the cruel fate of the Pequods, made this treaty of peace. 
The English though the aggressors, forced this treaty by 
which the Indians agreed, not only to pay the cost of 
preparation of war by the English, but, also, surrendered 
to the English the control of their lands. 

The English, for nearly fifty years, pursued the policy 
of subjugation, and maintained their supremacy over the 
Indians by force of arms. But the untutored savage did 
not forget. Under King Philip, they visited upon the 
English settlers terrific punishment for the wrongs of half 
a century. 



Chapter XXVII 

KING PHILIP’S WAR 

M ASSASOIT died in 1662. He remained faithful 
until his death to the treaty made in 1621, with 
the Pilgrim Fathers. 

Massasoit’s tribe lived in the southwestern part of the 
territory covered by the last patent granted to Plymouth; 
the Colony, therefore, claimed that his tribe were subjects 
of the Colony, and exercised over them all the powers of 
rulers over subjects. 

Massasoit left two sons surviving him—Alexander and 
Philip. He was succeeded by his son Alexander. After 
the death of his father, reports came that Alexander was 
plotting against the Colony. The Governor ordered his 
arrest, and that he be brought before the Court at Ply¬ 
mouth to answer the charge. Alexander cleared himself 
of the charge, and, either before, or just after leaving 
Plymouth, became ill, and died before reaching home. 
“The Indians suspected that he had been poisoned.” 

Philip, on the death of his brother, Alexander, became 
Chief of the tribe. For more than twelve years, he kept 
peace with the Colony, though from time to time there 
were rumors of disaffection on his part. He had many 
just causes of complaint against the Colonists; he felt, 
especially, bitter, because of the unjust arrest and death 


167 


168 


THE PILGRIMS 


of his brother under suspicious circumstances. The Eng¬ 
lish persistently encroached upon the land of the tribe, 
and they were being constantly confined within narrower 
limits. “Of all their ancient domain, Massasoit’s tribe 
of Indians, the Wampanoags, had nothing left, but the 
two narrow peninsulas of Bristol and Taunton on the 
eastern coast of Narragansett Bay.” Philip’s people were 
hedged in by the sea on the east and south, and by other 
tribes on the north and west. There was no land adjoining 
to which they could farther retreat. The Plymouth 
Colonists had taken possession of land which was needed 
for the support of Philip’s people. 

It has been said, with truth, that the Indians did not 
own all the land in the New World; that there was a 
surplus, and the English had the right to possess them¬ 
selves of it. But the fact remains, that the English 
subjugated and drove Massasoit’s tribe from the land 
which they had possessed from time immemorial, and 
which they needed for their support. Nor can it be claimed 
that the Pilgrims needed King Philip’s land for the set¬ 
tlers of Plymouth Colony; the territory covered by their 
patent was a large one, and the number of settlers in 
Plymouth Colony were too few to justify such a contention. 

The following are some of the restrictive and oppressive 
laws of the Colonial governments concerning the rights 
and lands of the Indians. In 1643, Plymouth Court made 
an order, providing that “no person should purchase, 
rent or hire any land, herbage, wood or timber of the 
Indians but by the Magistrate’s consent.” In the Massa¬ 
chusetts Bay Colony, a law was enacted,—“that no 



KING PHILIP'S WAR 


169 


person, whatsoever, shall henceforth buy land of any 
Indian without license first had and obtained of the 
General Court.” Another one provided, that no foreigner 
was permitted to “ trade with any Indian within the limits 
of our jurisdiction." 

It has been said, that these laws were enacted to protect 
the ignorant Indian from designing and unprincipled 
men. That the motive of the English, however, was 
purely selfish is shown by the following enactment in 
1657. “And because the trade of furs with the Indians in 
this jurisdiction doth properly belong to the Commonwealth , 
and not to any particular person,—It is ordered that no 
person ** shall trade for any sort of peltry, except such 
as are authorized by this Court.” Laws were, also’ 
enacted in Plymouth, prohibiting any one from selling 
barques, boats and horses to the Indians; that the Indians 
should not engage in working, fishing, fowling, planting, 
killing or carrying burdens on the Lord’s Day. King 
Philip could not even buy a horse without first obtaining 
the consent of the Plymouth Court. The following is 
from the Plymouth Colony record for 1665,—“Upon the 
earnest request of Philip, the Indian Sachem of Poca- 
nocutt, for to have liberty to buy a horse within our 
jurisdiction, the Court have bestowed a horse on him, as 
judging it meeter than to give him liberty to buy one.” 

Philip was a man of superior intelligence, brave, though 
not rash. He knew that, as the English had grown 
strong, his tribe had become weak; that with their fire 
arms, war meant extermination of his tribe. King Philip’s 
war was the result of their accumulated wrongs of many 



170 


THE PILGRIMS 


years, which culminated in July 1675, by an Indian 
attack on the village of Swanzea. Other Indian tribes 
joined in the uprising. For more than a year, the Indians 
terrorized, killed and tortured the settlers, captured and 
carried into captivity their women and children, burned 
their houses and destroyed cattle and property. 

The English Colonists carried war into the Indian 
country. Nor were they less merciless in savagery than 
the Indians. At one place the Wampanoags, sometimes 
called the Pocanokets, and the Narragansetts had built 
a fort on an island. There were 3000 Indians in this fort, 
including old men, women, children and warriors. The 
English attacked them, took the fort, set fire to the wig¬ 
wams, and burned to death the wounded, old men, 
women and children, and killed 1000 warriors. 

A few of the Indians, led by Philip, escaped, and in the 
following Spring again renewed the war; they, again, 
devastated the settlements and massacred the settlers. 
They were only the remnant of a once powerful tribe, 
and were soon beaten by the soldiers of the Colony. 
Philip was killed, and his wife and son taken captive; 
they were brought to Plymouth, and their fate submitted 
to the ministers. In accordance with the decree of the 
Reverend Judges, they were sold as slaves. “Philip’s 
son ended his life under the lash of a task-master in the 
Bermudas.” 

Very different was the treatment of the women and 
children of the settlers captured by the Indians. The 
story is told of the capture of Mrs. Rowlandson, the wife 
of the minister of Lancaster, and her son and two daughters. 



KING PHILIP'S WAR 


171 


Their sufferings, from cold, hunger and constant 
wandering, were intense. The Indians were not able to 
give them either food or shelter, for they were constantly 
pursued by the Colonial soldiers. Negotiations were 
opened for the release of Mrs. Rowlandson and her children 
on payment of a ransom. It is said, that “Philip told her 
of this, and hoped that they would succeed. When her 
ransom arrived he met her with a smile saying,—I have 
pleasant words for you this morning; will you like to hear 
them? You are to go home tomorrow.” Another writer 
says, “Such was the goodness of God to these poor cap¬ 
tive women and children that they found so much favor 
in the sight of their enemies that they offered no wrong to 
any of their persons, save what they could not help, 
being in many wants themselves. Neither did they offer 
to any of the females, nor even attempt the chastity of 
any of them.” 

During this war six hundred English either fell in 
battle or were murdered by the Indians; thirteen towns 
and six hundred dwellings were burned; the cost of the 
war was one hundred thousand pounds. The war was 
continued in Maine for a time, but finally terminated in 
April 1678. Plymouth Colony was almost ruined by the 
destruction of its farms and homes, the murder of the 
people, and the great expense of carrying on this Indian 
War. 

The English suffered terrible retribution for the accu¬ 
mulated wrongs, which they had inflicted upon the Indians 
for half a century. 

























Chapter XXVIII 

THE RELIGIOUS LIFE OF PLYMOUTH COLONY 


T HE immoralities and low vices of the Plymouth 
Colonists are difficult to reconcile with the claims 
that they were a deeply religious people. Certain it is, 
that Bradford, save for stereotyped expressions and 
quotations from the Old Testament, presents no picture 
of a religious life among them. 

Henry Van Dyke says, that “while Massachusetts was 
a religious Colony with commercial tendencies, New 
Amsterdam was a commercial Colony with religious 
principles. The Virginia Parson prayed by the book, and 
the Pennsylvania Quaker made silence the most important 
part of his ritual, but alike on the banks of the James and 
on the shores of the Delaware the ultimate significance and 
value of life were interpreted in terms of religion.” 

The purposes expressed in the Charter of the Virginia 
Colonists were two fold—commercial and religious; to 
establish an English Colony in the New World based on a 
religious foundation. How deeply significant of this 
purpose are these words of the Virginia Company to these 
Colonists,—“Lastly and chiefly the way to prosperity and 
to achieve suceess ** is to serve God, the Giver of all 
goodness.” 

As an evidence of their sincerity, the Company sent 


173 


174 


THE PILGRIMS 


with the first expedition, which landed at Jamestown in 
May 1607, the Reverend Robert Hunt, A. M. He was 
“a godly man ** a sincere Christian gentleman, ** and 
an honest, religious and courageous divine.” 

One of the first things done by these Virginia Colonists, 
on landing at Jamestown, was to prepare a place where 
they could hold a religious service. Smith says, “I well 
remember we did hang an awning, which is an )ld saile, 
to three or four trees to shadow us from the sun, our walls 
were railes of wood, our seats were unhewed trees ** our 
pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighboring trees.” 
In this woodland church on June 20, 1607, the Rev. Robert 
Hunt administered the first sacrament on Virginia soil 
to these weary, storm tossed mariners of the English 
Church. 

This served them till they built their first church in the 
summer of 1607,— “a homely thing like a barn set 
upon cratchets covered with rafts, sedge and earth.” 
This church was destroyed by fire in January 1608, but 
another and better one was built at once. In these prim¬ 
itive churches, “we had daily common prayer, morning 
and evening, every Sunday two sermons, and every three 
months the holy communion until our minister died, ** 
but our prayers daily with a homily on Sunday we con¬ 
tinued until the next preacher came.” 

The spiritual life of the Colony was in the keeping of 
this godly man. 

Rev. Robert Hunt died about October 1609, and the 
Rev. Richard Buck, a graduate of Oxford, came in May 
1610, with the next supply of Colonists. After the death 






RUINS OF OLD CHURCH TOWER AT JAMESTOWN 


RELIGIOUS LIFE OF COLONY 


175 


of Mr. Hunt, except for short intervals caused by death, 
the Colony at Jamestown was never without a minister, 
until the abandonment of the towm about 1750. These 
ministers are spoken of as sincere and devout Christian 
men. 

When Lord Delaware arrived at Jamestown in June 
1610, he reconstructed and beautified the church. “It 
was fitted with a chancel of cedar and communion table 
of black walnut. All the pews and pulpit were of cedar, 
with fair, broad windows also of cedar. The font was 
hewn hollow like a canoe, and there were two bells in 
the steeple. The church was so cast as to be very light 
within, and the Lord Governor caused it to be kept 
passing sweet, trimmed up with divers flowers. There was 
a sexton in charge of the church, and every morning at 
the ringing of a bell by him about ten o’clock, each man 
addressed himself to prayer, and so at four o’clock before 
supper.” 

In 1639, a brick church was built, but burned by Bacon 
in his rebellion in 1676. A new brick church was then 
built, being finished in 1679, in which services were held 
until about 1750. The site of government was moved 
from Jamestown to Williamsburg about 1699. Bruton 
Parish Church was built at Williamsburg, and the mem¬ 
bership at Jamestown was finally transferred to it. The 
Jamestown Church was abandoned and fell into ruin, but 
the tower and brick walls of the ruins are still standing. 

The minister, the church and religion were ever in the 
thought and plans of these Jamestown Colonists. The 
Church and the most sacred and holy relationships of 



176 


THE PILGRIMS 


life were deeply and reverently associated in their hearts 
and minds. In this first church at Jamestown, the first 
marriage in the New World, that of Ann Burras and John 
Laydon, was solemnized; to this sacred place they bore 
their first born, Virginia, for baptism; under the teachings 
and influence of the minister, Rev. Richard Buck, Poca¬ 
hontas was converted to Christianity; in this church, 
she was baptised, and here she was married to John Rolfe. 
At the altar of the church, men and maidens exchanged 
vows of love and fidelity, and were united in marriage 
by godly ministers; here they brought their first born 
for baptism; and from this sacred place their dead were 
borne to their last earthly resting place in Jamestown 
Church yard. 

Yes, it may be said of Jamestown Colony, as of New 
Amsterdam, that it “was a commercial colony with re¬ 
ligious principles.” “The ultimate significance and value 
of life were interpreted in terms of religion” by these 
Virginia Colonists. 

Those things were lacking in the schemes and plans of 
the Pilgrim Fathers, that were necessary to preserve and 
cultivate the religious life of the Plymouth Colonists. 
They brought no minister with them. The Pilgrims, on 
arriving at Plymouth in the latter part of December 1620 
immediately built “ye first house for common use to 
receive them and their goods.” This was completed by 
the middle of January 1621. The first religious service 
at Plymouth was held in the Common House, but not 
until March 1621. The holy communion was not adminis¬ 
tered to these Plymouth Colonists until in the year 1629. 




BAPTISM OF POCAHONTAS 










Copyright by A. S. Burbank, Plymouth, Mass. 



RELIGIOUS LIFE OF COLONY 


177 


In a short time, they erected a building of logs with 
a flat roof on the hill for their Common House. This 
Common House was both a fortress and church. On its 
roof, Captain Miles Standish placed his five cannon. 

‘‘Look! you can see from this window my 
brazen howitzer planted 

High on the roof of the church, a preacher 
who speaks to the purpose, 

Steady, straightforward, and strong, with irre¬ 
sistible logic, 

Orthodox, flashing conviction right into the 
hearts of the heathen.” 

This church was desecrated by hanging thereon the 
head of an Indian slain by Captain Miles Standish. 

“And as a trophy of war the head of the 
brave Wattuwamet 

Scowled from the rcnf of the fort, which at once 
was a church and a fortress.” 

What a ghastly incongruity. What a desecration of God’s 
house! 

These Pilgrims built no temple to the living God until 
1648, nearly thirty years after arriving at Plymouth. 
This log fort, with its flat roof, on which was mounted 
their cannon—“a preacher who speaks to the purpose,” 
was their “meeting house” during all that period. The 
walls of this fortress—church were mute witnesses of 
every phase of secular life,—a store house, a trader’s 
resort, a court house where the low and revolting im¬ 
moralities and crimes of the Colony were heard, and 



178 


THE PILGRIMS 


inhuman punishments were inflicted according to the 
laws of Moses. This was their “Meeting House.” 

Their Church and its policies were more of a civil and 
military than a religious organization. This is a descrip¬ 
tion of their Sundays in 1627, by De Rasieure. “They 
assembled by beat of drum, each with his musket or fire¬ 
lock, in front of the Captain’s door; they have their cloaks 
on and place themselves in order, three abreast, and are 
led by a sergeant without beat of drum. Behind comes 
the Governor in a long robe, beside him, on the right 
hand, comes the preacher with his cloak on, and on the 
left hand, the Captain with his side arms and cloak on, 
and with a small cane in his hand; and so they march 
in good order, and each sets his arms down near him.” 
This was more like a military than a religious procession. 
There were no Indians near them. In fact, they were at 
peace with all Indian tribes living nearest them until 
King Philip’s war in 1675. 

Surely, these are not scenes, nor associations that are 
harmonious. No! When the soul wants to commune with 
God, man repairs to that holy of holies,—a temple of 
God, where peace, purity, sweetness and sinless associa¬ 
tions are found. 

The religious life of the Pilgrims of Plymouth Colony 
was drab and colorless. Dankers and Sluyter thus de¬ 
scribed a Sunday in Massachusetts about 1680, “We went 
into the church where, in the first place the minister 
made a prayer in a pulpit of full two hours in length; 
after which an old minister delivered a sermon an hour 
long and after that a prayer was made and some verses 



RELIGIOUS LIFE OF COLONY 


179 


sung out of the Psalms. In the afternoon three or four 
hours were consumed with nothing except prayers, three 
ministers relieving each other alternately, when one was 
tired another went up into the pulpit. There was no 
more devotion than in other churches and even less than 
in New York,—no respect, no reverence,—in a word,— 
nothing but the name of Independents.” 

They had robbed religion of the beautiful and spiritual. 
They regarded the works of the artist, the painter and 
sculptor as idolatrous; the sweet strains of music were 
never heard in the fortress-church; they eliminated the 
music, beauty and poetry of the Psalms, and converted 
them into rhymeless doggerel. For a time they used 
Ainsworth’s version of the Psalms, but in 1639, desiring 
that “The singing of the Psalms should be restored to 
their scriptural purity,” Cotton Mather, Mr. Welde and 
Mr. Eliot were selected to make such a translation as 
would restore them to their “ancient” purity and beauty. 
Their translation was published under the title of “The 
Bay Psalm Book.” The preface to this book says that 
they “faithfully translated into metre the whole Book of 
Psalms.” It cannot be said that their translation was 
any improvement on that of Ainsworth. 

The twenty-third Psalm is an expression of David's 
sweet simplicity, faith and confidence in God’s Grace. 

“The Lord is my Shepherd; I shall not want. 

He maketh me to lie down in green pastures; 

He leadeth me beside the still waters. 

He restores my soul; he leadeth me in the paths 
of righteousness for His names sake. 




180 


THE PILGRIMS 


These Puritans parodied these beautiful verses in the 
following grotesque lines,— 

“1. The Lord to me a Shepherd is, 

Want therefore shall not I; 

2. He in the folds of tender grasse, 
doth cause mee downe to lie; 

To waters calm mee gently leads, 

3. Restore my soul doth hee; 

He doth in paths of righteousness; 
for His names sake lead mee.” 

The preface to “The Bay Psalm Book” but adds to 
the ludicrous travesty of the lines of the Sweet Singer 
of Israel. These translators say in their preface. “If 
therefore the verses are not always so smooth and elegant 
as some may desire and expect, let them consider that 
God’s Altar needs not our polishing; Ex-20, For wee have 
respected rather a plaine translation, than to smooth 
our verses with the sweetness of any paraphrase, and so 
have attended Conscience rather than Elegance, fidelity 
rather than poetry, in translating the Hebrew into English 
metre; that soe wee may sing in Zion, the Lord’s songs 
of praise according to his own will.” 

At their services, they sang many of these parodies of 
the Psalms in sepulchral, nasal tones, interspersed be¬ 
tween their long prayers and sermons. Wigglesworth 
gives us a picture of the atmosphere of gloom in which 
the soul of the Pilgrim and Puritan dwelt, in these lines,— 

“My thoughts on awful subjects rolle— 

Damnation and the dead.” 



RELIGIOUS LIFE OF COLONY 


181 


Yet, Bradford wondered why those Anglo-Saxons of 
“Merrie England” had to be whipped and punished to 
compel them to attend the services of the Brownist Church. 

They remembered their material blessings on that first 
Thanksgiving day in 1621, in feasting, games, singing and 
dancing by their Indian guests. But that natal day 

“Whereon is bom 

The Christ that saveth all and me;” 

that day, with its hallowed and holy memories, and its 
spiritual significance, was ignored. The celebration of 
the birth of the Christ Child was prohibited. In the neigh¬ 
boring Colony of Massachusetts Bay in 1651, an order 
of the General Court was made providing that any one 
observing “any such day as Christmas ** shall pay for 
any such offense five shillings.” 

Christmas, to them, was a superstitious relic of popery 
and paganism. All merry making was prohibited. Mar¬ 
riage was not a holy ordinance of God, but degraded into 
a mere civil contract made between youth and maiden 
in presence of the Magistrate. When death entered the 
family circle, grief and sorrow for the loss of a loved one 
was suppressed; the body was coldly committed to the 
grave without ceremony or service of any kind. There 
was nothing in their church, social life or customs to 
cultivate the ethical or spiritual in the lives of the Pil¬ 
grims. 

All of those Separatists who came in the Mayflower, 
save Brewster and Bradford, had grown up amidst the 
surroundings, and under the influences of the lax ideas of 



182 


THE PILGRIMS 


morality and religion in Holland. Many of the Colonists 
were of the Established Church of England. Though 
being greatly in the majority, yet they were not allowed 
to have their own church or minister, nor the safeguards 
of the religious influences of their own faith. In after 
years, many settlements and towns sprang up in various 
parts of Plymouth territory. There were, however, few 
churches and these were often not supplied with ministers. 
Concerning these conditions, Palfrey says, that “on one 
occasion Massachusetts went so far as to make the re¬ 
missness of Plymouth the subject of a representation to 
the Federal Commissioners.” 

In 1664, the dissolution of the Independent Church 
in Plymouth was seriously considered. “Its fortunes had 
reached so low an ebb that the membership dwindled 
down to forty-seven persons.” Bradford some years be¬ 
fore said, that many left Plymouth “and sundrie others 
still upon every occasion desiring their dismissions, the 
churches begane seriously to think whether it were not 
better to remove to some other place, than to be thus 
weakened, and as it were insensibly dissolved.” It was, 
finally, decided to keep the church at Plymouth. 

“But the living faith of the settlers old 

A dead profession their children hold.” 

These conditions in the church, inevitably produced a 
decadence, both, in morals and in the spiritual life in 
Plymouth and in New England. In 1678, Dr. Increase 
Mather said, ** “that many of the rising generation are 
profane, drunkards, swearers, licentious and scoffers at the 
power of holiness.” 



RELIGIOUS LIFE OF COLONY 


183 


A Reforming Synod met in Boston in 1678, and issued 
a statement in which they “lamented the neglect of public 
worship, desecration of the Lord’s Day, lack of family 
government, and an alarming increase of worldliness 
among the people, accompanied by dishonesty, extrava¬ 
gance, lying, intemperance, profanity and a general decay 
of Godliness in the land.” 

Fiske says of New England, that the “first decade of 
the 18th century may be best characterized by saying 
that spirituality was at a low ebb.” 

The Church and its leaders were more greatly interested 
in the economic, civic and political problems of the Colony 
than in its religious development. The Separatist or 
Independent Church of Plymouth had little influence on 
the lives of the people. This Church had not found its 
way into their hearts and affections. On the contrary, 
it was repellant. The Pilgrim Fathers were rigorous and 
merciless in seeking out and punishing those guilty of the 
most trivial offenses against the Brownist Church and 
Colony. “Wickedness” was here narrowly looked into 
and severely “punished” by whipping, imprisonment and 
death. 

The religious and civic life of the Colony was governed 
by the Mosaic Laws. Plymouth was in no sense a re¬ 
ligious Colony. It was purely economic, commercial 
and political. 













Chapter XXIX 

MORALS 

TN literature and song the Pilgrim Fathers have been 
characterized as God’s chosen people. 

“O trembling Faith! though dark the mom, 

A heavenly torch is thine; 

While feebler races melt away, 

And paler orbs decline, 

Still shall the fiery pillar’s ray, 

Along the pathway shine, 

To light the chosen tribe that sought 
This Western Palestine.” 

Timothy Dwight says, that the New England Pioneers 
were “impatient of the restraints of law, religion and 
morality.” 

We are shocked at their gross immoralities and licen¬ 
tiousness. Drinking was general. The tavern fireside 
was the social rendezvous of the men. A bright cheery 
fire during the long winter nights, liquor and coarse com¬ 
panionship brought the inevitable result—drunkenness* 
vulgarity and licentiousness. These Pilgrim Fathers made 
the Inn—the drinking resort of the town—an appendage 
of the “Meeting House.” They granted licenses only to 
those who would locate “so near the meeting house that 
those attending meeting could enjoy the fireside and liquor 


185 


186 


THE PILGRIMS 


between services on the Lord’s Day. The only restric¬ 
tion imposed was that no liquor should be sold “on the 
Lord’s Day before the meeting be ended.” Such crimes 
as stealing, assault and murder were frequent. 

It is an awakening to us to view the picture, which 
Bradford gives, of the lives of the people of Plymouth. 
He speaks of their notorious sins,—“espetially drunken¬ 
ness and uncleanness; not only incontinence between 
persons unmarried ** but some married persons also.” 
“By uncleanness” he refers to the impurity of the lives 
of both men and women. 

There are many instances of record of the selling and 
trading wives by their husbands in New England. We 
are astounded to learn that it was a custom sanctioned 
by the Church. Governor Winship wrote, suggesting 
to the Church in Providence, “that if Goodman Venn 
would n^t give his wife full liberty to go to meeting on 
Sunday and weekly lectures as often as she wishes, the 
Church should dispose of her to some other man who 
would use her better.” 

The licentious and degrading custom of bundling 1 pre¬ 
vailed in New England from about the year 1634, to near 
the close of the 18th. century—a period of one hundred 
and sixty years. 

The practice began with “the humbler classes of 
society.” It grew, however, among other classes, and 
Stiles says “came the nearest to being a universal custom 
from 1750 to 1780.” While, generally, yet it was not 
always, confined to “sweethearts and lovers.” Stiles, 
quoting from the History of Ancient Glastonbury, Con- 


1 The Century Dictionary 




MORALS 


187 


necticut by Rev. Alonzo Chapin, says, “that the church 
records, during the pastorate of the Rev. Eels 1759-1791, 
states that the absurd practise of bundling prevailed in 
those days, ***aided by a previous growing laxity of 
morals ** had rolled a tide of immorality over the land 
which not even the bulwark of the Church had been 
able to withstand. The Church Records from 1760 to 
1791, raised presumptions of the strongest kind, that then 
as since, incontinence and intemperance were among 
the sins of the people.” 

This custom began in 1634, as the children of the Colony 
grew to young men and women, and as other women 
came into the Colony. It prevailed in New England 
for more than a century before even the church awoke 
to its corrupt and debasing effect on the morals of the 
people. 

“About 1756 Boston, Salem, Newport and other 
places forbade their daughters bundling.” 

The church, also, took steps to correct the evil by a “re¬ 
vision of their church policy, by greater carefulness in 
admission of members, by rules more stringently enforced 
to preserve purity of the church.” Jonathan Edwards 
“thundered against it, ** but the task was well nigh 
hopeless.” 

What were the conditions that produced this custom 
in these New England Colonies so soon after their first 
settlement ? 

These Pilgrim Fathers and Puritans had robbed mar¬ 
riage of its sacred character. The Separatist and Inde¬ 
pendent Church had degraded it to the lower level of a 



188 


THE PILGRIMS 


mere civil and business contract. The English Church 
had elevated marriage to a higher plane; there was a 
sacred and spiritual significance in it when solemnized 
by a clergyman in the beautiful ceremony of that church; 
these New England Colonists had removed it from the 
pure and holy influences of the Church. A minister was 
not permitted to perform the ceremony of marriage; 
only a Magistrate or one authorized by the General 
Court had the right to “join any persons together in 
marriage.” In 1647, the Massachusetts Bay Colony 
prohibited any person joining “themselves in marriage 
but before some Magistrate or person” authorized by 
the Court. It was not until 1692, after Plymouth Colony 
had been incorporated into the Massachusetts Common¬ 
wealth under a new charter from the King, that a minister 
was authorized to solemnize marriages. Ministers were 
prohibited from solemnizing marriages for nearly three 
quarters of a century, and in the outlying districts, much 
of the time, there was no one authorized to perform the 
ceremony. Under these conditions, the people lost their 
reverence for marriage as a sacred ordinance and their 
respect for it as a civil contract. 

The inevitable result of these conditions followed,— 
incontinence and a lower moral tone in the New England 
Colonies. 

There were in Plymouth Colony people who were 
guilty of the lowest and most depraved sins,—sins and 
the punishment therefor, so revolting as to be unmen¬ 
tionable. 

Bradford says that notwithstanding attempts to pre- 



MORALS 


189 


vent these “sins” “by strict laws” they became common 
“breaking out where it getts vente.” 

Like conditions prevailed in the Puritan Colony of 
Massachusetts Bay. In 1642, Governor Bellingham 
wrote a letter to Governor Bradford concerning the 
“heinous offenses in point of uncleanness” prevailing 
there, and asking the advice of the Magistrates and Elders 
of Plymouth Colony as to what constituted these crimes, 
and the evidence necessary for conviction. Governor 
Bradford referred the matter to “such Reverend Elders 
as are among us”—John Reyner, Ralph Patrick and 
Charles Chancy—for their opinion as to what constituted 
the offenses named, what degree of guilt was necessary, 
how many witnesses were required to convict and the 
punishment. Although English subjects, the Pilgrim 
Fathers did not turn to the English laws governing these 
crimes, nor to the men who could interpret them, but to 
the ministers. The Old Testament was their Book of 
Laws, Moses was their law giver, and the ministers were 
the interpreters of these laws. 

These Elders wrote exhaustive opinions, in deciding the 
questions submitted to them. They based their opinions 
on the laws of Moses found in Leviticus, Exodus, Deu¬ 
teronomy, Numbers and Joshua. 

As late as 1678, the General Court of Masaschusetts 
Bay Colony, desiring to adopt a code of laws concerning 
crimes and punishments therefor, referred the matter to 
the ministers of the Colony. These “Reverend Elders,” 
after due deliberation, recommended the adoption of the 
Mosaic Laws concerning idolatry, witchcraft, blasphemy, 



190 


THE PILGRIMS 


murder, poisoning, adultery, man stealing, bearing false 
witness, and children cursing or smiting their parents, 
as found in the 21st and 22nd Chapters of Exodus, the 20th, 
21st and 24th chapters of Leviticus, and the 19th and 22nd 
Chapters of Deuteronomy. The General Court adopted 
the report of the ministers, and enacted the Laws of Moses 
concerning these crimes and punishment therefor, as the 
laws of the Colony. Death was the punishment for these 
crimes. 

The Pilgrim Fathers sought and punished offenders 
mercilessly. They had but one standard of morals and 
punishment for men and women. Notwithstanding im¬ 
prisonment, whipping and the death penalty, still these 
punishments had no deterrent effect. 

These Plymouth Colonists were without religious 
influences, and had, therefore, become irreligious. They 
had become morally and spiritually blind. 

Why did these conditions prevail in Plymouth? 

It must be remembered that the Separatists who came 
from Leyden, save Bradford and Brewster, were of the 
younger generation. They had fallen into the habits, 
customs and “licentiousness of the youth in that countrie.” 
Many “undesirables, both men and women” came to 
the Colony. 

There came to New England, Weeden says, “a steady 
stream of white male and female emigrants apprenticed 
or bound to serve, also banished convicts, and a steady 
stream of laborers forced to sell their service to pay the 
expense of their transportation.” Bradford wonders, 
“how it came to pass that so many wicked persons and 



MORALS 


101 


profane people should so quickly come over into this 
land.” Life in the New World was wild and free. The 
Church and religious atmosphere was wanting. There was 
no godly example, teaching or restraining influence of 
a minister during the early life of the Colony. There 
were many periods when they had no minister, and some 
of those, whom they did have, were not of good character. 
Other ministers engaged in controversies and contentions 
with the leaders in the Church over trivial matters. Under 
these conditions the Colonists lost their respect for the 
minister, the church and religion. 

‘‘Plymouth had neither by example or otherwise,” 
Doyle says, ‘‘much effect on Massachusetts. If the Ply¬ 
mouth settlement had never been made, the political 
life of New England would in all probability have taken 
the same form and run the same course as it did.” 

Plymouth Colony lived an exclusive, narrow existence, 
without any inspiring or elevating influence on the set¬ 
tlers within the bounds of its own territory, on the sur¬ 
rounding Colonists or on posterity, either intellectually, 
socially, politically, in economics, morals, or religion. 


t 




Chapter XXX 

MINISTERS 


T HE Mayflower sailed for the New World with its 
cargo of human souls without a minister. In the 
midst of sacrifices, distress, sickness and death, on sea 
and land, there was no one to bring the consolations of 
religion to those suffering, sorrowing souls for nine years. 

It is almost unbelievable that any community or set¬ 
tlement of Englishmen would live for so long a period 
without a minister. Mr. Robinson remained in Leyden 
as pastor of the Separatist Church, instead of sailing 
with the Pilgrim Fathers; and there is no evidence that 
the Separatists in Plymouth made any effort to obtain a 
minister from 1620 to 1629. 

Complaint was made in 1624 to the Adventurers of the 
religious conditions in the Colony. Among the com¬ 
plaints was the charge that the Colonists were Brown- 
ists, and would not allow an English church in the Colony. 

Bradford, as an excuse for their failure to observe 
their religious duties, says that it was because the Ad¬ 
venturers had prevented Robinson from coming to Ply¬ 
mouth. Robinson died March 1, 1625. From 1620 to 
1625, there is nothing in his letters or conduct that indi¬ 
cate an intention on his part or a desire to join the Colony. 
In the latter part of the year 1626, the Adventurers 


193 


194 


THE PILGRIMS 


agreed to sell their interest in the Colony to the Colonists. 
The Colonists were then free from any restraints of the 
Adventurers concerning a Separatist minister for the 
Colony, yet they had no minister until 1629. 

During the entire period from 1620 to 1626, the Ad¬ 
venturers alone attempted to furnish ministers for the 
Colony. In 1624, they sent over the first minister—John 
Lyford, a clergyman of the Church of England, but with 
Separatist tendencies, a man of loose morals and low 
character. He preached for them a short time, but was 
expelled from the Colony because he wrote to the Com¬ 
pany a report of religious conditions in the Colony, and 
“withdrew ** and set up a public meeting aparte, on ye 
Lord’s day.” This was a service of the Established 
Church for the benefit of the members of that Church in 
the Colony. 

In 1628, Mr. Allerton, the agent for the Colonists, 
brought over Mr. Rogers as their minister, but as Brad¬ 
ford says, “he was erased in his braine, so that they were 
forced to be at the further charge to send him back 
again the next year.” 

In 1629, Mr. Ralph Smith came over to “ye Bay of 
Massachusetts. But becoming wearie of being in that 
uncouth place,” came to Plymouth. The Separatists of 
Plymouth, learning that he had been a minister, elected 
him as pastor of their church; he was their “first settled 
minister.” Bradford says, that he was “a man of very 
mean abilities;” they were not satisfied with him, and he 
left them in 1636. About 1632, Roger Williams came to 
Plymouth. He was admitted as a member of the Separ- 



MINISTERS 


195 


atist Church, “and exercised his gifts amongst them." 
Bradford says, that he was “a man, godly and zealous, ** 
but very unsettled in judgement.” He soon “began to fall 
into some strange opinions, and from opinions to practise; 
which caused some controversie between ye church 
and him.” He left them “somewhat abruptly” in 1632. 

Bradford is condescendingly charitable to this godly 
man. After writing of their differences and controversies 
with this “gentle baptist,” he says—“but he is to be 
pitied, and prayed for, and so I shall leave ye matter, 
and desire ye Lord to shew him his errors and reduce 
him unto ye way of truth, and give him a settled judge¬ 
ment and constancie in ye same; for I hope he belongs 
to ye Lord, and that he will shew him mercie.” 

Williams was, in truth, a disciple of Christ. He was a 
vigorous defender of, what he called, “soul liberty.” He 
entertained and practiced these “strange opinions,—*** 
liberty of conscience and of religious belief and freedom 
in matter of worship; that the doctrine of persecution 
for the cause of conscience ** is contrary to the doctrine 
of Christ Jesus.” He did not believe in a theocracy; he 
taught the doctrine of separation of Church and State; 
he denied that the authority of the Magistrates extended 
beyond civil powers; he maintained that their power was 
only over “the bodies, goods and outward state of men.” 
He denounced the law that gave to Magistrates authority 
to punish heresy, and to compel attendance at divine 
worship. For these “strange opinions” he left Plymouth. 

In 1635, Mr. Winslow brought over Mr. John Norton, 
but he remained only about one year. 



196 


THE PILGRIMS 


Their next minister was Mr. John Raynor, who came 
in 1636, and remained as their pastor until 1654. 

Bradford says, that he was “an able and godly man and 
of a meeke and humble spirit.” Though a graduate of 
Magdalen College, Palfrey says, that he was not of “com¬ 
manding abilities or character.” The first church or 
“Meeting House” was built in 1648, by Mr. Raynor, 
nearly thirty years after the arrival of the Pilgrim Fathers 
at Plymouth. 

In 1638, Mr. Charles Chauncey came to Plymouth as 
an assistant to Mr. Raynor, remaining three years. He 
was “a reverend, godly and very learned man **** But 
there fell out some difference about baptism.” He held 
that “baptism ought only to be by dipping and putting 
ye whole body under water, and that sprinkling was 
unlawful.” The Church was of the opinion that, either 
“immersion or dipping was lawful,” but dipping “in this 
cauld countrie was not so conveniente. They could not 
yield to him ** that sprinkling was unlawful.” Mr. 
Chauncey, therefore, left Plymouth. He afterwards 
became president of Harvard College. 

It was not until the year 1669, that Plymouth obtained 
a settled pastor. In that year Mr. John Cotton, Jr.—a 
son of the Rev. John Cotton of Boston—became pastor, 
and continued to serve them until 1692. He left Ply¬ 
mouth and went to South Carolina. 

Barrett Wendell says, that John Cotton “was forced to 
leave his pulpit under circumstances which may have 
suggested to Hawthorne, the story of ‘The Scarlet Letter,’ 
and, though he asserted his innocence to the end, he died 
obscurely in South Carolina.” 



MINISTERS 


197 


William Brewster was about sixty years old when he 
came to Plymouth in 1620. He was not a minister but 
only an Elder in the Independent Church, consequently 
he could not perform any of the ceremonies of the Church. 
Though laboring in the fields when able, bearing the toils, 
privations and hardships with the rest of the Colony, 
yet, when the Church had no minister, he “taught them 
twice every Sabbath.” The feebleness of age, the hard¬ 
ships, that he endured, and his daily toil sapped his 
vitality, so that he had little left for the religious life 
of the Colony. 

During many long periods there was no minister in 
Plymouth to perform any of the services of the church, 
or to administer the sacrament. The Pilgrim Fathers 
never recognized the fact that the church with its minister 
is the spiritual and moral safeguard of a community. 











Chapter XXXI 

PILGRIM FATHERS AS MISSIONARIES 

T HE Pilgrim Fathers did not possess the missionary 
spirit. The hope expressed by Bradford that they 
might do something for the propagation and advance¬ 
ment of the gospel of Christ “in those remote parts of ye 
world,” in the light of their treatment of the Indians, 
must not be taken seriously. 

The Pilgrim Fathers brought neither the Bible nor the 
gospel of Christ, but the sword, to the heathen of the 
New World. They were cruelly inhuman in their treat¬ 
ment of the Indians. They murdered many, and in war, 
they shot and killed not only the combatants, but herded 
innocent women and children with the men in Indian 
villages and burned them alive, and enslaved men, 
women and children captured as spoils of war. Their’s 
was a work of subjugation and spoliation, not conversion 
of the Indians. 

Reports of these cruelties and inhumanities, and of the 
failure to carry the gospel of Christ to the Indians were 
received in England. As the years passed, there grew 
up among the ministers and people of England, a feeling 
that the gospel should be carried to the Indians in New 
England. About 1644, an Association was organized 
under an ordinance of Parliament known as the “Society 


199 


200 


THE PILGRIMS 


for the promoting and propagation of the Gospel of Jesus 
Christ in New England.” This Society obtained liberal 
contributions in England for this purpose. A com¬ 
mission was organized composed of seven trustees,—Puri¬ 
tans, Congregationalists and Separatists appointed by 
the various Colonies in New England to receive and 
manage this fund. Governor Hinckley of Plymouth, was 
one of these trustees or commissioners. 

Some years these Commissioners received from three 
to four hundred pounds, and some reckoned as high as 
six hundred pounds a year. Charges were brought 
against the Commissioners that they would make no 
allowance out of these funds to the Indians for the winter; 
that they would not suffer Aaron, an Indian teacher, to 
have a “Bible with the Common Prayer in it;” that they 
“enriched themselves, yet charged it all as laid out upon 
the poor Indians.” 

The missionaries were often unfit men, although there 
were some who possessed the true missionary spirit. 

John Elliot, the apostle to the Indians of the Massa¬ 
chusetts Bay Colony, was a man of this character. He 
was the most successful of all the missionary workers 
among the Indians. He spent much of his life among 
them, improving their condition, educating, teaching, and 
carrying the gospel to them. His plans for their im¬ 
provement, however, were not always practical or suc¬ 
cessful. He devised a plan for a settlement in some 
remote place where he could assemble all of his native 
followers, and teach them “in letters, trades and labors;” 
he selected a place, called Natick by the Indians, about 



PILGRIM FATHERS AS MISSIONARIES 201 


eighteen miles from Boston, laid out a town, erected a 
palisaded fort, a common house with a hall in it used for 
worship on Sundays and for a school during the week. 

He attempted to establish a government based on the 
Bible, both in Church and State. He selected the scheme 
of government of Moses in the 18th, Chapter of Exodus 
as his model,—“a ruler of a hundred, two rulers of fifty 
and ten rulers of tens;” he then selected and appointed 
certain Indians to these positions as rulers. This plan 
appealed to many Indians who enjoyed these positions 
of authority and honor, but it meant the destruction of 
the tribal relations, and his plan was soon bitterly op¬ 
posed by the chiefs of the tribes. The Commissioners 
or Trustees of the missionary fund were obliged to in¬ 
struct him “to go slow” in this scheme. His plan for a 
civil and religious government for the Indians was a 
failure; they returned to their tribes, and lapsed into 
their former tribal condition. 

It is said that, in 1674, Elliot had about eleven hun¬ 
dred ‘ ‘praying Indians ’ ’ in Massachusetts. These Indians, 
however, were not, with a few exceptions, converted. 
They joined his Colony through the hope of aid and sup¬ 
port in winter, and for positions of authority given to 
some of them. There were only two churches,—one at 
Natick with only fifty communicants, and another at 
Hassanamisitt, (Grafton). These “praying Indians” 
proved faithless; they joined King Philip’s unconverted 
savages in the massacre of the white settlers in his war. 

Claims have been made of the large number of converts 
among the New England Indians by Elliot and others, 




202 


THE PILGRIMS 


but the permanent results do not justify such claims. 
We may conclude that these claims of such large numbers 
of “Praying Indians” were but propaganda for the benefit 
of the Missionary Society in England that was furnishing 
the money for religious work among the Indians. 



Chapter XXXII 

RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE 

TN no Colony, save Massachusetts Bay Colony, was relig- 
* ious intolerance more pronounced than in Plymouth. 

The Pilgrims were Separatists, and no church, other 
than their Independent Church, was tolerated in Ply¬ 
mouth Colony. Many Puritans were still in the Estab¬ 
lished Church, but this was not true of the Pilgrims; 
the lines were sharply drawn; every Church, other than 
their own, was an abomination of the Lord. Every man 
must conform to the Pilgrim’s religious views, or be “har¬ 
ried” out of Plymouth Colony. 

Their treatment of the Quakers, though not so bar¬ 
barous as in Massachusetts Bay Colony, yet was extremely 
cruel. Many Quakers had settled in Scituate and Sand¬ 
wich, towns within Plymouth territory. These Quakers 
were of the English yeomanry. They had been in the 
English Church, but objecting to the use of the ritual 
and form of worship, became non-conformists. They 
believed in “Christ the Saviour, in the atonement, in the 
resurrection and in the inspiration of the Bible.” Not¬ 
withstanding their belief and faith in these fundamentals, 
they were, in the view of the Pilgrim Fathers “cursed 
heretics,” and as such were scourged and banished from 
Plymouth Colony. 


203 


204 


THE PILGRIMS 


George Fox, the founder of the Sect in England, was 
no fanatic, but a deeply religious man. He believed in 
that “Inward Light”,—“that Divine spirit within us 
which would lead men to all truth,” 

Hallowell, writing of the Quakers in England and the 
Colonies, says, that “Quakerism in its social and moral 
aspect was the synonym for brotherly love, purity, sim¬ 
plicity, integrity and benevolence.” 

The Quakers, who settled in the Plymouth and Massa¬ 
chusetts Bay Colonies, are described as honest, law 
abiding, sober, industrious and “God fearing.” They 
believed that marriage was more than a civil contract; 
they believed that it was a divine ordinance and sacred. 
While no minister officiated, yet the ceremony was a 
sacrament. The following is a description of a marriage 
of Friends in the Colony,—In a public meeting groom 
and bride “solemnly take each other in marriage, with a 
promise of love and fidelity, and not to leave one another 
before death separates them. ** After an appropriate 
silence, the groom and bride rise, and taking each other 
by the hand, each in turn repeats the following,—Tn 
the presence of the Lord and this Assembly, I take thee 
to be my wife (or husband) promising with divine assist¬ 
ance to be unto thee a loving and faithful husband (or 
wife) until death shall separate us.* ” 

Wenlock Christison and other Friends, who were per¬ 
secuted and banished from Massachusetts, found refuge 
on the Eastern and Western Shores of Maryland and in 
Delaware. 

To those who have come into close touch with the 



RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE 


205 


lives of Friends, Hallowell’s characterization of their 
virtues is just and true. Possessing these qualities and 
virtues, in what, then did these Quakers invite the wrath 
of the Rulers of Plymouth Colony? The answer is found 
in the fact, that they firmly believed in liberty of con¬ 
science and religious freedom for all men. The Pilgrims, 
though professing this principle, yet did not, in fact, 
believe in it at all. In Plymouth Colony, the Quakers 
were charged with no crime, nor with the violation of 
any law of the Colony, save that of failure to attend 
the Separatist Church, and of holding their own meetings. 

It has been claimed that the Pilgrims did not persecute 
the Quakers. This is not correct. None were executed, 
but fines were imposed that impoverished, and cruel 
whippings, imprisonment and banishment were inflicted. 
Even the Colonists, faithful to the Independent Church, 
were required to turn informers by the Plymouth authori¬ 
ties or suffer the penalties of the law. 

Major James Cud worth, a magistrate and afterwards 
deputy Governor of Plymouth Colony, of the town of 
Scituate, was degraded from his offices, both civil and 
military, and disfranchised for thirteen years because he 
showed some kindness to the Quakers “in giving them a 
night’s lodging or two and some victuals.” 

He was not a Quaker but a Separatist. His offense 
was in objecting to their persecution by the Pilgrim 
Fathers, and in showing them some kindness. He says, 
“I was forced on sundry occasions while magistrate to 
declare my dissent against things which the rulers did.” 

Mr. Hathaway, though elected an assistant to the 







206 


THE PILGRIMS 


Governor of Plymouth Colony, was not allowed to take 
the oath of office because he advocated toleration. 

The following are some of the laws of the Pilgrims 
concerning the Quakers,— 

“If any entertain a Quaker, if but for a quarter of 
an hour, he is to forfeit five pounds. 

“If any see a Quaker he is bound, though he lives 
six miles or more from the constable, yet he must go 
and give notice to the constable, or else is subject to 
the censure of the court. 

“If the constable know or hear of any Quaker in 
his precinct, he is presently to apprehend him; and if 
he will not presently depart the town, the constable 
is to whip him and send him away. 

“If there be a Quaker meeting anywhere in this 
Colony, the party in whose house or on whose ground 
it is—is to pay forty shillings, the preaching Quaker 
forty shillings and every hearer forty shillings. 

“If they have meetings, though nothing is spoken 
** they are to be apprehended and carried before a 
magistrate, and by him committed and kept close 
prisoners until they will promise to depart and never 
come again, and will pay their fees. 

“They must be kept on ‘coarse bread and water;’ 
no Friend will be allowed to bring them anything 
nor speak to them.” 

Major Cudworth says, that in Boston Colony “after 
they have whipped them and cut their ears ** they banish 
them upon pain of death if they ever come there again. 
We expect that we must do likewise; we must dance 




RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE 


207 


after their pipe.” He further says of the punishments 
under these laws, “that the whipping of them with that 
cruelty as some have been whipped, and their patience 
under it, has gained more adherents to them than if they 
had suffered them openly to have preached a sermon.” 

“Smite, Goodman Hate—Evil!—harder still! 

The magistrate cried, ‘lay on with a will! 

Drive out of their bodies the Father of Lies, 

Who through them preaches and prophesies!” 

“God is our witness,” the victim cried, 

We suffer for him who for all men died; 

The wrong ye do has been done before, 

We bear the stripes that the Master bore!” 

These “poor people were pillaged and plundered of 
their goods” by a system of repeated fines in order to 
force them from their homes, “even to their last cow ** and 
when they have no more, at last may be forced to flee, 
and glad they have their lives.” 

Cudworth gives some instances of the cruelty of the 
officers in collecting fines imposed by the magistrate 
against the Quakers. A poor weaver, who had seven or 
eight small children—“he himself lame in his body,” had. 
but two cows, and both were taken from him. Some that 
had a cow only, some two cows, some three cows, and 
many small children, were repeatedly fined until their 
last cow was taken. None dared breathe a word of sym¬ 
pathy for fear of punishment. 

“Take heed,” one whispered “they’ll take your cow 

For fines, as they took your horse and plough, 

And the bed from under you.” 




208 


THE PILGRIMS 


The attempt was made to charge the Sect with indecent 
conduct. The Apologists of the Puritans and some 
historians have given instances where women appeared 
naked in public, as an evidence of their unfitness to be 
allowed in the Colonies. The charges of indecency or 
unfitness of these people are unfounded and unjust. The 
circumstances on which these charges are based are as 
follows,—One of these women, Debora Wilson, in 1662, 
appeared in the streets of Salem in a nude condition. 
She was arrested, but given only “moderate chastisement" 
because of her mental condition. She was, later on, 
arraigned for absenting herself from public worship, but 
was dismissed because “as the court record reads," “she 
is distempered in her head." She was a poor demented 
woman. 

The other case was that of Lydia Ward well, “a young, 
tender and chaste woman,"—the daughter of a Puritan— 
Isaac Perkins, She married a Quaker, Eliakim Wardwell 
in 1659. Her husband had been put in the stocks for 
rebuking the levity of Mr. Raynor, a minister formerly 
of Plymouth, who “stood and looked and laughed" dur¬ 
ing the flogging of Ann Coleman, Mary Tompkins and 
Alice Ambrose by the Puritans. He was, also, arrested 
and fined for having entertained Wenlock Christison, 
a Quaker, and his horse was taken from him to satisfy 
this fine. Because of the absence of him and his wife 
from the Independent Church, he was repeatedly fined 
and so rendered penniless. 

His wife, Lydia, had witnessed the torturing and 
flogging of her own friends. She had seen the women,— 



RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE 


209 


Ann Coleman, Mary Tompkins and Alice Ambrose— 
Friends—stripped naked to the waist, tied to a cart’s 
tail, and driven through several towns in the bitter cold 
of winter. At every town on the way, each woman was 
given ten lashes on the bare body, sometimes until the 
blood ran. 

“By the meeting-house in Salisbury town, 

The sufferers stood, in the red sundown, 

Bare for the lash! O pitying Night, 

Drop swift thy curtain and hide the sight!” 

There can be no doubt, but that these terrible scenes, 
and the persecutions and sufferings of her husband and 
herself had unsettled the mind of Lydia Ward well. 

Ignorance and a superstitious, selfish intolerance had 
chilled the hearts and dulled the senses of these Pilgrims 
and Puritans. They could neither see the sufferings, nor 
hear the cry of pain of those whom they so cruelly per¬ 
secuted. 

“Dear God and Father of us all, 

Forgive our faith in cruel lies,— 

Forgive the blindness that denies!” 

“Cast down our idols, overturn 
Our bloody altars; let us see 
Thyself in Thy humanity!” 

It cannot be true that these Pilgrims came to the New 
World to find liberty of conscience and freedom of wor¬ 
ship, and yet could so relentlessly persecute innocent 
men and women because they claimed the same right and 
privileges for themselves. 




Chapter XXXIII 

EDUCATION IN PLYMOUTH COLONY 

W ILLIAM BREWSTER and Edward Winslow were 
men of superior education for their time, and 
William Bradford had a fair education; he became the 
historian of the Colony. These men had lived in Leyden, 
a center of schools and education in Holland. They 
knew the need, and great importance of education for 
the children in New England. They were leaders; they, 
practically, directed and controlled the policies of Ply* 
mouth Colony for more than thirty years; yet this most 
important work of educating the children of the Colony 
was neglected. As early as 1624, complaint was made 
in England that “children were not catechised nor taught 
to read” in Plymouth. This was, substantially, true, for 
they had neither schools, fit persons to teach, nor means 
to maintain them. 

Other New England Colonies took measures to provide 
schools, though little was, in fact, accomplished. Ply¬ 
mouth Colony, however, lagged in this regard. 

In 1664, Charles II. appointed Commissioners to go to 
New England, and, among other things, report on the 
method in use for educating the young, and converting 
the natives. In 1666, these Royal Commissioners re¬ 
ported that in Plymouth Colony “they were so poor 
they were not able to maintain scholars to their ministers.” 


211 


212 


THE PILGRIMS 


“There is no evidence from tradition or public records,” 
says Windsor, “of any provision for education until 1670, 
excep t in private families. * ’ The first record of any teacher 
in Plymouth was of John Morton in 1671. It was not 
until 1673, that any public measure was taken in the 
interests of education. In that year, “The Court voted 
that a public school, the earliest in the Colony, should be 
set up in the town of Plymouth, and that the revenue 
from the Cape Fishery (Cape Cod) should be appro¬ 
priated to its support.” The revenue from this fishery 
was but a few pounds each year. 

Teachers received only such pay as the parents could 
afford to give, and parents were too poor to pay them. 
Both the mothers and fathers were illiterate, and too 
absorbed in their daily labors to instruct their children. 
Neither the wife of Governor Bradford, nor the four 
daughters of Nathaniel Morton, the secretary and his¬ 
torian of the Colony, could write. These conditions 
prevailed until Plymouth Colony was incorporated in the 
Massachusetts Bay Commonwealth in 1692. From that 
time the laws of Massachusetts Bay Colony, then in 
force, and laws afterwards passed concerning education, 
prevailed in what was, formerly, the territory of Plymouth 
Colony. But these laws, as shown elsewhere, were in¬ 
effective. Education was neglected in these Colonies for 
a century longer. 

The impression, that the early Pilgrims and Puritans 
were deeply interested in the education of the masses, 
has been produced by isolated expressions and conclusions 
of early writers and historians who were mostly New 
Englanders. These claims are not justified by the facts. 



EDUCATION IN PLYMOUTH COLONY 213 


Some of the first settlers who came and established 
the Massachusetts Bay Colony were from the upper and 
better classes in England; some of them were men of 
education, social standing and wealth; there were some 
graduates of Cambridge, England, the hotbed of Puri¬ 
tanism. These men were superior to the Pilgrim Fathers. 

The emigrants were, however, generally of the laboring 
classes and from the poor people of England. A few, 
both in Plymouth and in Massachusetts Bay Colony, 
became small farmers, but the most of them were fisher¬ 
men, and traders along the coast and among the Indians. 
The hard conditions, unfavorable surroundings and necess¬ 
ities of pioneer life were not conducive to an interest 
in education, even of learning to “read and write.” All 
that was required in early Colonial days in New England, 
wasto learn to ‘ ‘read’ ’ and sometimes to ‘‘write;” even this 
was regarded as necessary only for boys, but not for girls, 
by the Puritans and Pilgrims. 

After the first generation of settlers had passed away, 
the ministers were, practically, the only educated men 
in the New England Colonies. As the years passed, the 
ministers were prohibited from teaching by an Act passed 
in 1702, providing, “that no minister of any town shall 
be deemed, held or accepted to be the schoolmaster of 
such town within the intent of the law.” 

Men were employed to teach the older boys for two 
or three months in the winter; but they were ignorant 
and incompetent—sometimes day laborers. 

It was not thought necessary, or even proper to edu¬ 
cate girls. As late as 1793, these New England Puritans 



214 


THE PILGRIMS 


and Pilgrims objected to the establishment of a school 
for girls “on the ground that it might teach wives to 
correct their husbands in spelling.” A century and a half 
was required to overcome the prejudices against the edu¬ 
cation of girls. It was not until near the beginning of 
the 19th century that New England made any pro¬ 
vision for their education. Even then they provided for 
the education of girls “either in short summer terms, or 
at the noon hours or other intervals of the town (boy's) 
school;” they were not admitted to the common schools 
of Boston until about 1789. 

In many localities the education of girls, at least before 
the Revolution, was confined to the “Dame Schools.” 
This was a school for small children, both boys and girls, 
generally conducted by elderly women. Mothers, while 
teaching their own, also taught their neighbor’s children, 
doing their house work at the same time. As the women 
and mothers, however, were ignorant and illiterate, the 
educational results were scarcely appreciable. These 
schools were little more than nurseries for little children. 

This prejudice against the education of girls did not 
exist in the Colonies below New England. 

John Savage of Northampton County, Virginia, in the 
17th Century provided in his will that his Executors 
should hire out three servants, and that their wages 
should be used to pay the tuition of his two daughters 
for a period of five years. 

Watson, in his Annals, says of a school for girls in Lewis 
Town, in the “three Lower Counties on the Delaware,” 
that “at this early period of time (1693) so much had the 



EDUCATION IN PLYMOUTH COLONY 215 


little Lewistown at our Southern Cape the pre-eminence in 
female tuition, that Thomas Lloyd, the deputy governor 
(under William Penn), preferred to send his younger 
daughters from Philadelphia to that place to finish their 
Education.” 

There are many records showing that girls as well as 
boys were educated in the Colonies below New England 
in Colonial days. 

Massachusetts is entitled to the credit of passing the 
first Act for the education of children, though it was 
ineffective. “The great memorial of that period,” Palfrey 
says, “is the establishment of a **system of public schools.” 
It is true that laws were passed for the establishment 
of schools, yet they were not observed. Several Acts 
were passed by the Massachusetts Bay Colony, but none 
by Plymouth Colony except the one above mentioned. 

The first Act concerning schools was passed in Massa¬ 
chusetts Bay Colony in 1642, providing that children 
should be taught so much learning as may enable them 
to read the English language. This law was ignored. 

The next act was passed in 1647, which provided, 
‘Sec. 1. Every township with fifty householders shall 
appoint one within their town to teach such children as 
shall resort to him to write and read, whose wages shall 
be paid either by the parents or masters of such children, 
or by the whole inhabitants, if the major part may so 
order.” “Sec. 2. Whenever any town shall increase to the 
number of one hundred families or householders, they 
shall set up a grammar school; and if any town neglect 
to do so above one year, such town shall pay five pounds 



216 


THE PILGRIMS 


per annum.” This penalty, however, was only to be 
required for failure to maintain a grammar school. There 
was no penalty for failure to teach the children to “read 
and write.” These laws contained no provision for their 
enforcement, consequently, they were ignored. The 
“major part” of the inhabitants never voted a school 
tax for the support of schools. The parents were obliged 
to pay for such instruction as their children received; the 
result was, that comparatively few parents were either 
able or willing to pay for such instruction. Schools were 
not maintained and education was neglected. 

The word “town” in these various Acts means “town¬ 
ship.” 

A quarter of a century more of neglect passed. In 1671 
another Act was passed, providing for raising the fine 
from five to ten pounds per annum for neglecting to 
maintain a grammar school. The Grammar schools were 
intended as feeders for Harvard. Something had to be 
done to provide students for this college, which was 
languishing for want of support, both in students and in 
money. In 1683, Boston contributed the small sum of 
twenty-five pounds toward the support of schools, yet 
Boston, at that time, had a population of over five thous¬ 
and. 

In 1683, an Act was passed providing that every town 
(township) of five hundred families or householders shall 
set up and maintain two grammar schools and two writing 
schools. If there be two hundred families the penalty 
for failure was fixed at twenty pounds. None of these 
laws were effective, even though penalties were provided, 



EDUCATION IN PLYMOUTH COLONY 217 


and increased from time to time for failure to main¬ 
tain schools, either common or grammar, because the 
penalties were not enforced. Another twenty years of 
neglect passed. 

In 1702, three-quarters of a century after the founding 
of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, the Puritan authori¬ 
ties, recognizing these conditions, passed an Act, contain¬ 
ing a recital of the neglect of education and the evasion 
of the penalties therefor by the people; this Act recites 
that “Whereas it is by law appointed that every town 
within this province, having the number of fifty house¬ 
holders or upwards, shall be constantly provided of a 
schoolmaster to teach children and youth to read and 
write, and when any town or towns have the number of 
one hundred families or householders, there shall be a 
grammar school ** and some discreet person ** present 
to keep such school.” That “the observance of which 
wholesome and excellent laws is shamefully neglected by 
divers towns, and the penalty not required, tending 
greatly to the nourishment of ignorance and religion.” 
** “Be it enacted ** that the penalty for non-observance 
of such laws shall henceforth be twenty pounds. ’ ’ This act 
was equally as non-effective as the previous laws. It 
was cheaper to pay the fine than to maintain the schools. 

In 1718, still another Act was passed reciting that many 
towns able to support a grammar school, “yet chose 
rather to incur and to pay the fine or penalty than to 
maintain the school;” therefore, the fine was raised to 
thirty pounds. 

From the landing of the Pilgrims in 1620, for nearly 




218 


THE PILGRIMS 


a century and three-quarters, education in Pilgrim and 
Puritan New England languished. None of these laws 
had proven effective in educating the children and youth 
of Massachusetts. During this entire period, each parent 
paid for such schooling as his children received, except very 
small sums occasionally paid by the state or colony, 
consequently, a few—the ministers and the wealthy only, 
gave their children any education. There was little inter¬ 
est in the education of the masses. 

All of these laws lacked the one compelling feature,— 
a provision for the assessment of a tax against all property 
and the collection thereof by law to maintain schools. 
It was not until 1767 that an Act was passed, providing 
for the assessment of a tax “to pay for the support of 
schools and school masters, when a major part of the in¬ 
habitants at their annual meeting legally warned, agreed 
on it;” this requirement of a majority, in a great measure 
defeated the purpose of the Act. It was not until in 
the Nineteenth century that the free, common school, 
supported by enforced taxation, made much progress, 
either in New England, or in any other part of our country. 
The private school or academy, supported mainly by 
tuition, was adopted in Colonial times, and grew into 
general use and importance until supplanted by the High 
School in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Massa¬ 
chusetts, though it made grants of land for their support, 
yet with its larger population living mostly in towns and 
villages, in 1800, had onlyseventeen academies, while New 
York had nineteen, North Carolina thirty, and even little 
Delaware, had fourteen academies in the eighteenth century. 




EDUCATION IN PLYMOUTH COLONY 219 


In the light of these conditions in Plymouth and Massa¬ 
chusetts Bay Colonies during the entire Colonial period, 
through their neglect of education, and their decadence 
in morals and religion, we can understand why their 
people became “rude, coarse, unlettered, unmannered 
and sensual.” 



Chapter XXXIV 

HARVARD COLLEGE 

H ARVARD COLLEGE, that now stands among the 
first of the great universities of our country, was 
founded in 1636, primarily “to advance learning and per¬ 
petuate to posterity, dreading to leave an illiterate 
ministry to the churches when our present ministers 
shall be in the dust." 

The General Court of the Massachusetts Bay Colony 
agreed to give four hundred pounds towards the erection 
of a building “whereof two hundred pounds to be paid 
next year, and two hundred pounds when the work is 
finished.*' In 1638, John Harvard bequeathed his library, 
and “a half of his estate,” which amounted to about 
three hundred pounds, “for the erecting of the college.” 
There was no endowment, nor provision made for its 
maintenance. The General Courts made an allowance 
toward its support, but, until 1673, these amounts never 
reached one hundred pounds a year. The students were 
required to pay tuition; its income, however, from all 
sources, was inadequate for its maintenance. 

In 1657, the college buildings were found to be “in a 
decaying condition.” There were some men among 
these Puritans who had means, some of whom had been 
educated at Cambridge, but they failed to come to the 


221 


2ZZ 


THE PILGRIMS 


relief of the college. During the first seventy years there 
was a “constant struggle for existence, due to the parsi¬ 
mony of the government, and the religious controversies 
of the liberals and the orthodox.” The Commissioners of 
the United Colonies now proposed to the Colonies “that 
by pecks, half bushels and bushels of wheat, according 
as men were free and able, the college might have some 
considerable help.” The results did not justify the 
expectations of the Commissioners. The salary of the 
President was one hundred pounds per annum in 1673. 
It was then raised to one hundred and fifty pounds per 
annum. It was, however, irregularly paid, and president 
Hoar remitted fifty pounds of his yearly salary. 

In 1673, there was a paucity of students at Harvard. 
In fact, the number of students was never very large 
until in the last third of the nineteenth century. At its 
first Commencement, in 1642, nine young men were gradu¬ 
ated from Harvard; one of these was from Plymouth; none 
were graduated from Harvard in the years 1644,1648,1672, 
1682 and 1688, and only one, annually, in the years 1652, 
1654, and 1655. During the first thirty years Harvard 
graduated an average of only six annually, and in the 
next forty years a yearly average of only nine. From 
1701 to 1725, the number graduated each year ranged 
from four to forty-five, but from 1725, the number 
graduated each year grew less; only seventeen were 
graduated in the year 1753. In 1665, Massachusetts 
Bay Colony had a population of twenty five thousand and 
Plymouth five thousand, but only eight were graduated 
in that year from Harvard; in 1754, Massachusetts had 



HARVARD COLLEGE 


223 


two hundred and seven thousand inhabitants, but only 
twenty were graduated that year. 

In 1680, Dankers and Sluyter, travelers from Holland, 
visited Harvard; they “found eight or ten young fellows 
sitting around smoking tobacco, and the room was so 
full that you could hardly see; and the whole house 
smelt so strong of it, that when I was going upstairs, I 
said—this must certainly be a tavern” *** “We asked 
how many students there were. They said at first thirty, 
and then came down to twenty. I afterward understood 
there are not probably ten.” This statement of these 
travelers is confirmed by the fact, that in 1682, not one 
student was graduated from Harvard. The College was 
in a “languishing and decaying condition.” The grammar 
schools required by law as feeders for the college had either 
not been established, or where founded, had not been 
maintained; they had not produced students for the 
college. 

A hope had been expressed that Indians might be edu¬ 
cated at Harvard. In 1666, the Royal Commissioners 
reported that at Cambridge, Massachusetts “they saw but 
one Indian.” “It was reported to them that they had 
three more at school.” 

Harvard, in fact, was little more than a grammar 
school, and the students were treated as youths of a 
grammar school. As late as 1800, Henry Adams says, 
“the method of instruction had not changed, being then 
suited to children of fourteen years; that the discipline 
was indifferent and the instruction poor.” The students 
lived in dormitories; they arose at sunrise in summer 



224 


THE PILGRIMS 


and at daybreak in winter; “At breakfast they had a 
small can of unsettled coffee, a biscuit and an ounce of 
butter, at dinner a pound of meat and two potatoes, and 
at supper a bowl of milk and bread.” They were not 
always supplied with even the necessary food for existence. 
Nathaniel Eaton—the first President—was dismissed for 
misconduct, cruelty and failure to give the students 
proper food. 

“The youths were unruly,” and rules were made for 
their deportment, and corporal punishment for their 
infraction; rule 17 provided that “if any student shall 
violate the law of God and of this College, either from 
perverseness, or from gross negligence, after he shall have 
been twice admonished, he may be whipped, if not an 
adult.” 

Harvard was unfortunate in the selection of its Presi¬ 
dents, and in the religious dissensions in its Board of 
Overseers. Of the Presidents, some were guilty of 
misconduct, some were temperamentally unfit for the 
position, some were disputatious, and differed with the 
Governing Body in matters of religious beliefs and doc¬ 
trines, and there were irreconcilable differences in the 
Body of Overseers. 

Harvard was under the control of the Congregational 
Ministry of Massachusetts for many years. They were 
intensely and uncompromisingly Calvinistic and Orthodox 
in that faith. There gradually, however, grew up a 
more liberal element among the Laymen of the Board. 
This controversy between the Orthodox and the Liberals 
became very bitter. When Cotton Mather failed of 



HARVARD COLLEGE 


225 


election to the Presidency about 1700, he and other Cal¬ 
vinists withdrew from Harvard, and interested them¬ 
selves in the founding of Yale College. This new College 
w r as to be orthodox, and controlled by the ministers. 

The sons of ministers, and some few of the wealthier 
classes were, practically, the only ones educated at Harvard 
during the Colonial period. “There was no course of 
study for one hundred and fifty years for the “Learned 
Professions," except for ministers. The students were 
interested, chiefly, in religious and theological subjects; 
they were mainly educated for the ministry. Lawyers 
were not regarded with favor by the early Puritans. A 
Law School was not established at Harvard until 1815, 
and a medical school, not until 1782. The College of 
William and Mary at Williamsburg, Virginia, preceded 
Harvard by more than a century, in its law school. 
After the first emigrant generation of these Puritans, some 
of whom were graduates of English Universities, had 
passed, there was a decline in interest both in the rudi¬ 
ments and in higher and cultural education. They neither 
availed themselves of the opportunities afforded by their 
local colleges, nor did they send their sons to England 
for their professional and cultural education. 

After an investigation, Stifle reports, that from about 
1760, to the Revolution there were sixty-three Americans 
who obtained the degree of M. D. from the University 
of Edinburgh, but only one of these was from New Eng¬ 
land. That during this same period, there were one 
hundred and fifteen young men from America studying 
in the different Inns of Court in London, but only one or 




226 


THE PILGRIMS 


two of all these students came from New England. Of 
this body of students studying law in London, forty-seven 
were from South Carolina, twenty-one from Virginia, 
sixteen from Maryland, eleven from Pennsylvania, and 
five from New York, and from the “Three Lower Coun¬ 
ties/’ now Delaware, one was a student in the Inns 
of Court, London, and one obtained his degree of 
Doctor of Medicine in the University of Edinburg, 
Scotland. 

While Harvard was established primarily to train up 
“learned and Godly ministers,’’ yet as the years passed, 
even the education of men for the ministry was neglected. 
So many illiterate men were serving as pastors of churches, 
that in 1760, the following law was passed in Massa¬ 
chusetts to prohibit the employment of illiterate ministers, 
—“Whereas some towns, districts, precincts or parishes 
have chosen ** and settled in the work of the ministry 
ignorant and illiterate persons. It is therefore ordered 
that none be employed, except educated men.’’ 

In 1764, the first Harvard Hall containing its library 
and apparatus, was destroyed by fire. It was at once 
rebuilt. 

During the 17th century, the people, generally, the 
rich and prosperous, those in moderate circumstances., 
and even the ministers, were not interested in this one 
institution for higher education in all New England. In 
the 18th century, though Massachusetts had grown in 
population to over three hundred thousand by 1790, less 
interest was manifested in higher education than in the 
17th century. 



HARVARD COLLEGE 


227 


Harvard did not until long after the Civil War in 1860, 
take the place it now occupies in the educational and in¬ 
tellectual life of our country. 

As we now view the intellectual life of New England, 
we cannot understand how such conditions as are described 
by writers could have obtained there during the Colonial 
period. 




Chapter XXXV 

LITERATURE 

F INNEY says, that “during the eighteenth century 
New England became almost unbelievably destitute 
of “art, science, music and secular literature.” 

The impression that the Pre-Revolutionary Puritans 
and Pilgrims of Massachusetts were deeply interested in 
general education and literary culture, has been produced 
by isolated expressions and conclusions of writers, drawn 
from such expressions as the following,—“Let it be 
known,” wrote Cotton Mather, “that America can em¬ 
balm great persons as well as produce them, and New 
England can bestow an elegy as well as an education 
upon its heroes.” 

As we have seen, prior to the Revolutionary war, 
education was of the most elementary character. The 
University men, who first came to the Massachusetts 
Bay Colony, were Puritans. Theology, however, was 
their chief intellectual pursuit. Some of them brought 
libraries with them, but they were mostly on religious 
subjects and the Bible. After 1642, especially during the 
Cromwellian period, this educated class of Puritans 
ceased to come to the New World. Many of those who 
emigrated to New England returned to England during 
that period. When we find, however, that these Univer- 


229 


230 


THE PILGRIMS 


sity Puritans suppressed every emotion of the heart, ex¬ 
cluded from their lives whatever was beautiful in litera¬ 
ture, art, science and music, we are justified in the con¬ 
clusion that, while they may have been college men, yet 
they were lacking in refinement and true culture. 

After this first generation passed away, there was “a 
distinct decline in intellectual interests.” The grim 
austerities and fanaticism of a puritan theology fell, like 
a blight upon the intellectual pursuits and life of the 
colony. Without system in their educational methods, 
without teachers and schools, and surrounded by con¬ 
ditions that were rude, wild and free, the people became 
illiterate and coarse. Baron Riedesel declared in 1781, 
that there was not one in ten of the men who “could 
read writing and still fewer could write.” 

In their attempts at literature, these stern, harsh 
Puritans only exhibited “a lawless and merciless fury for 
the odd, the disorderly, the grotesque, the violent, strained 
analogies, unexpected images, pedantries, indecencies, 
freaks of allusion and monstrosities of phrase.” The 
following unintelligible jargon is taken from “The Simple 
Cobbler of Agawam”—written by the Rev. Nathaniel 
Ward, a graduate of Cambridge, England. “If the whole 
conclave of Hell can so compromise exadverse and dia¬ 
metrical contradictions as to compolitize such a multi- 
monstrous manfrey of heteraclites quiequidlibets quietly, 
I trust I may say with all humble reverence they can do 
more than the Senate of Heaven.” 

Here is another parody from the Bay Psalm Book 
of some verses in the twenty-second chapter of the Psalms, 



LITERATURE 


231 


“Upon the Lord he rolled himselfe 
let him deliver him, because 
in him he doth delight. 

“But thow art hee that me out of 
the belly forth did take, 

When I was on my mother’s breast 
to hope thou didst me make.” 

“The Day of Doom,” a poem by the Rev. Michael 
Wigglesworth, presents a lurid picture of hell, where 
every one but the elect must spend eternity. It was 
first published in 1662, and passed through nine editions. 
It “was the solace of every fireside,” says Lowell. The 
author did, however, promise that the Good God would 
show some mercy to children—in these lines,— 

“A crime it is, therefore in bliss 
You may not hope to dwell; 

But unto you I shall allow 
The easiest room in hell.” 

The New England Primer, published in 1727, and used 
for nearly a century, is mute evidence of the dearth of 
educational ideas and intellectual poverty of the Puritans. 
After the alphabet and some words of easy syllables, next 
comes the following pious doggerel in rhyme,— 

“In Adam’s Fall 
We sinned all.” 

“Zacheus he 
Did climb a tree 
His Lord to see.” 

“Young Obadias, 

David, Josias 
All were pious.” 



232 


THE PILGRIMS 


The writers of this period were generally ministers. 
Their literary efforts produced sermons, tracts and pam¬ 
phlets on theological subjects, dogmatic and contro¬ 
versial, but they could not be called literature. John 
Cotton was a voluminous writer on theological subjects, 
but his writings are characterized as “vast tracts and 
jungles of puritanic discourse.” 

Samuel Willard was the author of a book of nine hun¬ 
dred pages, printed in Boston in 1726, being “A Complete 
Body of Divinity” in two hundred and fifty expository 
“Lectures on the Assembly’s Shorter Catechism,” ** 
“A great Light thereby reflected on the present Age.” 

The time between 1637 and 1760, is called the “theo¬ 
logical glacial” period by Charles Francis Adams. “It is 
a fact worthy of note, said Adams, that the Magnalia, 
by Cotton Mather, stands today the one single literary 
landmark in a century and a half of colonial and pro¬ 
vincial life;” that Massachusetts produced “absolutely 
nothing else, not a poem nor an essay, nor a memoir, 
not a work of fancy or fiction of which the world has 
cared to take note.” 

Yet, this was the period so rich in the Mother Country 
in the English classics. Spencer, Shakespeare and “Rare 
Ben Johnson” had just passed, leaving a literature in¬ 
comparably beautiful and rare in thought, imagery and 
expression. These writers were followed by Milton, 
Dryden, Pope, Addison, Swift, Bunyan and Goldsmith. 
But the chaste beauty of the poetry of Spencer was a sin, 
and the stage impious,—therefore, Spencer and Shakes¬ 
peare were shunned by these Puritans. In fact, their 




LITERATURE 


233 


writings do not indicate that they were familiar with the 
English classics. 

“The library at Harvard did not contain a single volume 
of Addison, Locke, Dryden or Swift in 1723, and Shakes¬ 
peare and Milton had been but recently acquired.” The 
intellectual, as well as the spiritual life of these Puritans, 
had become sterile. The Colonial period in New England 
was barren of literature, notwithstanding such a rich 
treasure house of English classics from which to draw 
inspiration. 

It was not until about 1840, and later, that New 
England became pre-eminent in literature through 
its Concord School of writers—Emerson, Hawthorne, 
Thoreau and Alcott, and its poets—Longfellow, Whittier, 
Lowell and Holmes. 


i 












Chapter XXXVI 

THE PRESS 

T HE press is the great educational organ in our 
country. It reaches everywhere and treats of every 
subject—religion, education, science, art, music, litera¬ 
ture, politics, economics, industrialism, domestic and 
foreign relations, the law, the science of government etc. 
In fact, information and knowledge upon every subject, 
as well as current events, is disseminated through the 
press, the newspapers, magazines, pamphlets and books. 
“Every citizen may print on any subject, being respon¬ 
sible for the abuse of that liberty.” 

The first press in America was established in Massa¬ 
chusetts in 1638. Its purpose was not, however, to pub¬ 
lish a newspaper, but to print books and pamphlets. 
Stephen Daye, an English printer, came to Boston in 
1638,” “bringing with him a font of type.” In 1639, he 
printed an almanac for New England, and in 1640,—The 
Bay Psalm Book. 

During the entire colonial period, there were about 
three hundred publications issued in Boston and Cam¬ 
bridge. “Nearly two-thirds of these were expositions of 
religious beliefs or writings in defense of dogmas or aids 
to worship; the remainder were mainly of laws, official 
publications, almanacs.” The first and only educational 
book was The New England Primer, printed in 1727. 


235 


236 


THE PILGRIMS 


There were no newspapers whereby information and 
knowledge could be disseminated until 1690, when the 
“Public Occurrences, Foreign and Domestic” was pub¬ 
lished in Boston; its life, however, was short. It was not 
until 1704, that the first permanent newspaper “The 
Boston News Letter” was started. This was the only 
newspaper published anywhere in New England until 
1755 in which year the “Connecticut Gazette,” was 
published in New Haven, the seat of Yale college. 
Many newspapers were published in other colonies many 
years prior to the “Connecticut Gazette,” viz,—in Phila¬ 
delphia in 1719, in Annapolis, Maryland, in 1727, in 
Williamsburg, Virginia, in 1736, and, later, others in 
New York and South Carolina. 

Evidently, the Press in Massachusetts did not enjoy 
unrestricted liberty and freedom. Owing to some stric¬ 
tures and criticisms of the Puritan authorities, a strict 
censorship of the Press was established by the General 
Court. In the Appendix to the “Ancient Laws of Massa¬ 
chusetts” there is the following order of the General Court 
made in 1662, placing a strict censorship over printing, 
and limiting the number of Presses to one only, namely,— 
“For preventing irregularities and abuse to the authority 
of this country by the printing Press, it is ordered that 
henceforth no copy shall be printed, but by the allow¬ 
ance first had and obtained under the hand of Captain 
Daniel Gookin and Mr. Jonathan Mitchell, until this 
Court shall take further order.” 

In 1664, the Court made this further order,— 

“For preventing irregularities and abuse of the authority 



THE PRESS 


237 


of the country by the printing press, it is ordered by the 
Court and the authority thereof that there shall be no 
printing press allowed in any town within this jurisdiction 
but in Cambridge. Nor shall any person or persons pre¬ 
sume to print any copy but by the allowance first had 
and obtained under the hands of the Court, shall from 
time to time empower the President of the College, Mr. 
John Sherman, Mr. Jonathan Mitchell and Mr. Thomas 
Shepherd, or any two of them, to survey such copies 
and to prohibit or allow the same according to this order.” 

In 1681, the General Court made the following order,— 
“Mr. Samuel Sewell ** being prevailed upon to under¬ 
take the management of the printing press in Boston ** 
liberty is accordingly granted him for the same by order 
of this Court and none may presume to set up any other 
press without like liberty first granted.” 

These orders of suppression and censhorship, limiting 
the number of presses and restricting the liberty of the 
press, were made by the Puritan Authorities. 

In 1688, the King appointed Sir Edmund Andros, 
Governor of the “Territory and Dominion of New Eng¬ 
land,” and authorized him “to provide by all necessary 
means that no person keep any printing press for print¬ 
ing, nor that any book, pamphlet, or other matter, what¬ 
soever, be printed without his special leave and license 
first obtained.” 

In 1719, the Governor’s right to exercise this authority 
over the press was denied and successfully resisted by 
the Puritan Authorities. 

Virginia had no printing press until long after one had 



238 


THE PILGRIMS 


been set up in New England. It was not, however, through 
the prohibition or laws of censorship by the Colonists, 
such as we find on the statute books of New England, 
but through the restrictive measures of the Royal Govern¬ 
or in prohibiting the printing of anything without a 
special license first obtained. 

Sir William Berkeley, who came to Virginia as Royal 
Governor of the Colony in 1641, said in 1671, “I thank 
God, there are no free schools or printing” ** in Virginia. 

The same attitude toward printing, and prohibitive 
policy was pursued by the Royal Governor, Lord Cul¬ 
pepper. The following orders made by him interdicting 
the printing, even, of the laws of the colony, are found in 
the notes to Hening’s Statutes of Virginia,—“February 
21, 1682, John Buckner was called before Lord Culpepper 
and his council for printing the laws of 1680, without 
his Excellency’s license, and the printer was ordered to 
enter into bond in one hundred pounds, not to print 
anything thereafter until his Majesty’s pleasure should 
be known.” 

“In 1683, a printer had actually commenced his busi¬ 
ness in Virginia, but was prohibited by the Royal Governor 
and his council from printing anything.” 



Chapter XXXVII 

EDUCATION AND THE INFLUENCE OF 
RELIGION ON THE VIRGINIA COLONISTS 

I N New England, the people were mostly settled in 
towns and villages, while in Virginia there were very 
few towns; the Virginia Colonists were scattered, living 
on plantations. Conditions, therefore, were much more 
favorable for the education of children in New England 
than in Virginia. Notwithstanding these conditions, there 
was greater interest in education, not only by the wealth¬ 
ier classes but, also, by the poor, in Virginia than in 
New England, during the colonial period. 

These Virginia Colonists were keenly alive to the im¬ 
portance of education for the children of all classes—rich 
and poor. The reputation of the Virginia Colonists to 
the contrary, grew out of the answer of Sir William 
Berkeley, the Royal Governor in 1671, to an inquiry by 
the Lords Commissioners of Foreign Plantations as to the 
course “taken about the instructing the people ** in the 
Christian religion, and what provision is there made for 
the paying your ministry.” Governor Berkeley answered, 
the question concerning religious instructions and the 
support of the ministry,—“The same course that is taken 
in England out of towns; every man according to his 
ability instructing his children. We have forty-eight 

239 


240 


THE PILGRIMS 


parishes and our ministers are well paid.” He then con¬ 
tinued along a line not germain to the questions of the 
Commissioners, answering in the words that are quoted 
by every writer and historian as showing a shameful 
lack of interest in education by the Colonists,—“But I 
thank God, there are no free schools nor printing, and 
I hope we shall not have these hundred years; for learning 
has brought disobedience and heresy and sects into the 
world, and printing has divulged them and libels against 
the best government, God keep us from both.” 

This Royal Governor only voiced his own sentiments. 
He spoke from the view point of an ardent and intense 
Royalist. He did not understand, nor represent the 
spirit, nor sympathize with the aims, purposes or interests 
of these early Virginia Colonists. He was an alien on 
Virginia soil. 

His rule was oppressive and tyrannical in the extreme. 
“None but tyrants dread the diffusion of knowledge and 
liberty of the press.” In 1649, through his oppressive 
laws, one thousand non-conformists,—Puritans, Quakers 
and other dissenters, left Virginia and settled in Maryland. 
He caused his Royal Council to pass laws prohibiting 
Puritans, Quakers and other non-conformists from coming 
to Virginia. In 1660, at the end of the Cromwellian 
regime, a House of Burgesses, composed of Royalists sub¬ 
servient to his wishes and policies, was elected to the 
General Assembly. Berkeley and this House, usurping the 
civil rights of the people, remained in office fourteen 
years without an election during that entire period. 

Berkeley’s tyranny, and the oppressive burdens laid 



INFLUENCE OF RELIGION 


241 


upon the people by the new King, Charles II. culminated 
in Bacon’s rebellion in 1676, Berkeley’s flight to the place 
now known as Onancock on the eastern shore of Virginia, 
and the burning of Jamestown. The rebellion ended with 
the death of Bacon, and Berkeley returned to Jamestown. 

The vengeance wreaked upon Bacon’s followers by 
Berkeley was without mercy. He whipped those who 
dared speak disrespectfully of his rule; he confiscated the 
property of those engaged in the rebellion and hanged 
twenty-two of the patriots. Berkeley was, finally .called 
home by Charles II. who said of him, “that old fool has 
taken away more lives in that naked country than I for 
the murder of my father. 

This is the record of the man, who, as Royal Governor, 
discouraged “learning” and prohibited “printing” in 
Virginia. 

Historians and writers have, universally, quoted this 
libel of Berkeley as evidence that the Virginia Colonists 
neither had schools, nor desired them, nor educated 
their children, nor desired the Printing Press. Nothing 
could be farther from the truth, as the following facts, 
gleaned from ancient records and the history of Virginia, 
will show. There are many Acts of the Colonial Assembly 
elected by the people, and orders of the courts, providing 
for education. 

The term “Gentlemen” has been applied as one of 
reproach to the Virginia Colonists. These “Gentlemen” 
were younger sons of the nobility, or from the wealthier 
and better classes in England who educated their children. 
Great numbers of the aristocracy, merchants, tradesmen 





242 


THE PILGRIMS 


and others in the higher walks of life, came to Vir¬ 
ginia during the seventeenth century, especially during 
the Cromwellian period. The ministers were educated in 
the Universities of England; many of the indentured 
servants were young men of education, who served for a 
time to pay their passage over; some of them became 
tutors in the families of the planters. There were many 
in the convict class, who were not criminals, but political 
offenders deported for their offenses against the Ruling 
Powers. They were men of education from the higher 
walks of life in England and Scotland. It did not require 
many years for these servants, both voluntary and in¬ 
voluntary, to rise out of their condition of servitude. 
They married and had families and children growing 
around them. There was, therefore, among all classes, 
rich and poor, in the Colony, an interest in the education 
of their children. 

As early as 1619, measures were taken to provide for 
the higher education of the youth of the Colony, and to 
found a college in Virginia. Fifteen hundred pounds were 
raised to build a college at Henrico, near where Richmond 
now stands. The practical fact was, also, recognized that 
it was not only necessary to erect buildings for a college, 
but that means should be provided for its support. Fif¬ 
teen thousand acres of land were appropriated for its 
support. During the years 1619 and 1620, one hundred 
laborers under the charge of Mr. George Thorpe were sent 
over to cultivate this land, and produce revenue for the 
support of the college. 

In order to prepare students for the college the Vir- 



INFLUENCE OF RELIGION 


243 


ginia Company bade the Governor to see “that each town, 
borough and hundred procured, by just means, a certain 
number of their children to be brought up in the first 
elements of literature, that the most towardly of them 
should be fitted for college.” Funds were raised to es¬ 
tablish a free school at Charles City as a feeder for the 
college at Henrico. 

In the Indian massacre, in March 1622, George Thorpe, 
the superintendent, and many of the college tenants 
were murdered, and the buildings and improvements 
were burned. This calamity destroyed the hope of es¬ 
tablishing a college at Henrico. 

Again in 1660, steps were taken by the House of Bur¬ 
gesses to establish a college, but without success. It was, 
however, the preliminary step to the founding of a college 
at a later date. 

In 1693, The College of William and Mary was estab¬ 
lished at Williamsburg, Virginia, through the efforts of 
the Rev. James Blair, an Espicopal clergyman. He 
became its first President and remained in that office 
until 1741. 

While the College was under the auspices of the Epis¬ 
copal Church, yet it was intended, not only to educate 
men for the ministry, but to provide, also, for giving to 
the youth of the Colony a broad and liberal education. 

The charter of the College granted by William and Mary 
stated that the purpose in establishing the College was 
“that the Church of Virginia may be furnished with a 
seminary of ministers of the gospel, and that the youth 
may be piously educated in good letters and manners , and 




244 


THE PILGRIMS 


that the Christian faith may be propagated amongst the 
Western Indians, to the glory of Almighty God; ** to 
make, found and establish a certain place of universal 
study, or perpetual College of Divinity, Philosophy, 
Languages, and other good Arts and Sciences .” 

Here, the youth were educated in all the “Learned Pro¬ 
fessions”—“The ministry, the law, and medicine,” the 
sciences, the classics, general literature, political economy 
and the philosophy of government. 

From an old catalogue of “William and Mary,” we 
find that this College was the first in America to teach 
many subjects. In addition to divinity, moral philosophy, 
Latin, Greek and mathematics, it established chairs for 
the teaching of the following subjects, which were taught 
for the first time in any American College. As early as 
1729, Oriental Languages were taught by Charles Bellini 
and Rev. Francis Fontaine. In 1779, the Hon. George 
Wythe taught law, and Dr. James McClung had a chair 
of anatomy and medicine. In 1774, natural Philosophy 
and chemistry were taught, and in 1777, Rev. James 
Madison, the President of the College, taught political 
economy, and a chair of history was established in the 
latter part of the 18th century. 

In order to encourage and develop a love for broader 
culture—literature, the classics and philosophy—a gold 
medal was given, annually, one “to the best classical 
scholar, and the other to the best scholar in philosophy.” 

“It had until the Revolution a better course of in¬ 
struction than Harvard, Yale, Nassua Hall (now Princeton 
University), King’s College (now Columbia University), 
University of Pennsylvania, Brown or Dartmouth.” 



INFLUENCE OF RELIGION 


245 


The Phi. Beta. Kappa Society was organized at the 
College of William and Mary in December, 1776. 

It was the foremost and richest college in America 
until after the Revolution. 

Fiske pays a high and deserved tribute to The College 
of William and Mary in “Old Virginia and her Neighbors.” 
“It was the first college in America,” he says, “to intro¬ 
duce teaching by lectures and the elective system of 
study. It was the first to unite a group of faculties into 
a University. It was the second in the English world to 
have a chair of Municipal Law, George Wythe coming 
to such professorship a few years after Sir William Black- 
stone. It was the first in America to establish a chair of 
history and political science, and it was the first to pursue 
a thoroughly secular and unsectarian policy, though, until 
lately, its number of students at any one time had never 
reached one hundred and fifty.” 

In the early part of the 18th century, an effort was 
made to provide for the education of Indians at the Col¬ 
lege. In 1691, the Hon. Robert Boyle, Esq. died in 
England, bequeathing a certain part of his personal es¬ 
tate for charitable and pious uses, and recommending 
that it should be used “for the advancement of the Christ- 
tian religion.” 

This money was invested in the purchase of the manor 
of Brafferton, in the county of York, England. The 
executors granted ninety pounds per annum out of the 
rents, “for propagating the gospel in New England,”—the 
one-half thereof, forty-five pounds, to be paid two minis¬ 
ters to instruct the natives, and the remaining forty-five 



246 


THE PILGRIMS 


pounds to be transmitted to the President of Harvard 
College to be used to pay the salary of two ministers to 
‘teach the natives in or near the College there, the Chris¬ 
tian religion.” The remainder of the rents over and above 
the ninety pounds, was to be ‘‘laid out for the advance¬ 
ment of the Christian religion in Virginia.” 

A brick building was erected at Williamsburg,Va., out 
of the money received from this charity, which still 
stands on the Campus of “William and Mary” known as 
the Brafferton building, for an “Indian School, and for 
the lodging of such Indian Children” as were brought 
there. 

The Presidents and Masters of William and Mary 
College were directed to “keep at the said College so 
many Indian children in sickness and in health, in meat, 
drink, washing, lodging, clothes, medicine, books, and 
education from the first beginning of letters till they 
should ** be thought sufficient to be sent abroad to preach 
and convert the Indians.” Some young Indians were 
brought to the College, and taught to “read and write,” 
but on their return to their tribes they soon fell into 
“their own savage customs and heathenish rites.” 

Williamsburg was the Capital of Colonial Virginia. It 
was the social, intellectual and political center of Colonial 
life in America. 

The Capital City, with its College situated at one end, 
the Capitol at the other end of the Duke of Gloucester 
Street, and the Palace of the Royal Governors midway 
between them, where the “Mattey Whaley School” 
building now stands, with its miniature lake and English 







SUNDAY MORNING IN OLD VIRGINIA. 

Bruton Parish Church, Williamsburg, Virginia, about 1760. 









INFLUENCE OF RELIGION 


247 


garden of flowers fronting the Palace after the fashion 
of the Royal Palaces of the Mother Country, and with 
its famous Raleigh Tavern, was the scene of many brilliant 
functions. Here in Bruton Parish Church, could be 
heard on Sunday the strains of music on the organ by 
Peter Pelham, the musician. There was in Williamsburg 
a richness in dress, a courtliness and refinement of manner, 
in both men and women, that indicated a high degree 
of culture. 

The Rev. Hugh Jones, writing of the social life in this 
Colonial city, says, Many of the families “lived in the 
same neat manner, dress after the same modes and be¬ 
haved themselves exactly as the gentry in London. Most 
families of any note, having a coach, chariot, berlin or 
chaise.” Meade says of this Colonial Capital, that 
“Williamsburg was once the miniature copy of the Court 
of St. James, ** while the old church (Bruton) and its 
graveyard and the College Chapel were ** the Westminster 
Abbey and the St. Paul’s of London, where the great ones 
were interred.” 

In this old graveyard of Bruton Parish Church, are 
many tombstones on which are graven the names and 
Coat of Arms of men of aristocratic lineage who came 
from England to Virginia in the 17th century. 

The College of William and Mary was the Alma Mater 
of descendants of these men, and of others who, though 
not of noble birth, yet, were of the better classes of Eng¬ 
lishmen. These sons of the old College, and others whose 
names are inseparably associated with it, rose to the 
highest positions in Colonial days and after the Revolution 




248 


THE PILGRIMS 


in Church, on the Bench, in the Halls of Legislation, and 
to the Presidency of our Nation. 

Herbert B. Adams calls The College of William and 
Mary the “Alma Mater of Statesmen.” 

Washington, Jefferson, Randolph, Lee, Marshall, 
Henry, Madison, Monroe, Harrison, John Tyler and others 
are conspicuous for the important part which they played, 
not only during the Revolution, but, also, in shaping 
the destiny of our infant democracy during the first half 
century of our National life. During this period, no other 
part of our country produced so many leaders in the 
intellectual and political life of our nation as Virginia. 

The Hon. George F. Hoar, in an address delivered in 
Congress, said of The College of William and Mary that 
“The great principles on which the rights of man depend, 
which inspired the statesmen of Virginia of the period 
of the Revolution, are the fruits of her teaching. 

To the sons of this historic College is largely due the 
credit of having conceived, formulated and crystalized in 
the Declaration of Independence and in the Constitution 
of the United States, the basic principles of democracy 
on which our nation is founded. They were students of 
the science of government, and of “the eternal rights of 
man;” they were men of education, culture and ability. 

There were many able men in the “Continental Con¬ 
gresses,” but “from Virginia,” Fisher says, “came the 
best delegates of all, calm, judicious, earnest patriots with 
a very broad range of ability.” 

In writing of the debates in the conventions of the 
various States in 1788, on the question of the ratification 



INFLUENCE OF RELIGION 


249 


of the Constitution, Albert J. Beveridge says, “The de¬ 
bates in the Virginia Convention of 1788, are the only 
masterful discussions on both sides of the controversy 
that ever took place.” ******* “In Virginia’s Convention, 
the array of ability, distinction and character on both 
sides was notable, brilliant, and impressive. The strong¬ 
est debaters in the land were there, the most powerful 
orators, and some of the most scholarly statesmen; Seldom, 
in any land or age, has so gifted and accomplished a group 
of men contended in argument and discussion at one time 
and place.” 

John and Samuel Adams, both Harvard graduates, 
were, by far, the ablest of the four delegates from Massa¬ 
chusetts. But the entire Massachusetts delegation were 
narrow, irreconcilable radicals who were “hot for extreme 
measures;” they were revolutionists who would stake all 
on their immature plans for immediate independence. 
They had not been trained in the science of government; 
they lacked the poise, the calm judgment, the far-seeing 
vision of constructive statesmen. 

Samuel Adams was an agitator, rather than a statesman. 

“Mr. Adams character may be defined in a few words,” 
says Wells, “He is *** a republican in politics, pos¬ 
sessed of as much learning as is necessary to disguise 
the truth with sophistry, and so complete a moralist that 
it is one of his favorite maxims that ‘The end will justify 
the means,’ when to such accomplished talents and 
principles we add an empty pocket, an unbounded am¬ 
bition, and a violent disaffection to Great Britain, we 
shall be able to form some idea of Mr. Samuel Adams.” 



250 


THE PILGRIMS 


In the lecture rooms of this “Ancient Mother of Learn¬ 
ing,” in Virginia, were inculcated the principles and ideals 
that “gave to the nation the Declaration of Independence, 
the Virginia Plan of the Constitution, the development 
of the Constitution through the great Chief Justice, and 
the Monroe Doctrine.” 

The proposal to establish at the Ancient College of 
William and Mary, “The Marshall-Wythe School of 
Government and Citizenship” is an appropriate and 
fitting tribute for her part in the great work of founding 
our nation. 

The College of William and Mary has suffered a suc¬ 
cession of calamities in its history. The first college 
buildings, designed by Sir Christopher Wren, were de¬ 
stroyed by fire in December, 1705, together with the li¬ 
brary and philosophical apparatus. This calamity, com¬ 
ing so soon after the founding of the College, was a serious 
blow. The building was rebuilt, but it was not until 
1723, that the buildings were fully restored. 

During the Revolutionary war, the buildings were 
occupied, alternately, by the British, French and American 
troops. The buildings were again injured by fire, and the 
President’s house was destroyed. After the close of 
the war, the French rebuilt the College buildings at their 
own expense. 

Again, in 1859, the buildings were destroyed by fire, 
together with the laboratory and library, which contained 
many rare and curious books. Within one year after the 
fire “The new College edifice” was completed and fully 
furnished. 



INFLUENCE OF RELIGION 


251 


In May, 1861, came the Civil War. The Buildings were 
used as barracks by the Confederate forces until evacuated 
by them in 1862. The Union forces then took possession, 
burned the buildings, and retained possession of the 
premises until the close of the war. These many disasters 
repeatedly interrupted the work of the College, and 
seriously interfered with its progress. 

After the close of the Civil War the college was re¬ 
opened, and with the assistance of distinguished persons 
from every part of the country, the buildings were finally 
restored. It was not, however, until 1869, that the College 
reopened with its full faculty, and it was several years 
later before it was fully equipped and restored. The 
marvel is, that The College of William and Mary sur¬ 
vived these many disasters. 

It is interesting to trace the development and growth 
of education and the interest of the aristocratic and 
wealthy classes in the education, not only of their own 
children, but, also, of the children of the humbler classes 
in Colonial Virginia. 

It is true that Virginia was settled mainly by Royalists, 
men of noble lineage and of the better classes, and there¬ 
fore “society was laid out on the aristocratic basis.” 
It is not true, however, that the wealthy colonists edu¬ 
cated their own children, but “felt little or no interest 
in the instruction of the common people.” 

It is a fact worthy of note, that it was through the bene¬ 
volence of men from these higher classes that free schools 
were established for the education of the poor at a very 
early period in Colonial Virginia. Dr. Lyon G. Tyler, 



252 


THE PILGRIMS 


former President of The College of William and Mary, 
has given us many instances of the founding and endowing 
free schools in Virginia. 

The first free school was opened in Elizabeth City in 
1624. 

In 1635, Benjamin Symmes donated two hundred acres 
of land, a good house and forty milch cows to establish 
and support a free school in Elizabeth County for the 
children of the Parishes of Elizabeth City and Kicquotan; 
in 1649, this school possessed a “fine house.” 

In 1659, a free school was established by Thomas 
Eaton. “A fund of ten thousand dollars, representing 
these two charities, was used for a long period to carry 
on the “Symmes-Eaton Academy at Hampton. The High 
School at Hampton is now called the Symmes-Eaton 
School. 

In 1655, Captain John Moon, of Isle of Wight county, 
left a legacy for the education of “poor fatherless children 
Captain William Whittington, in 1659, left two thousand 
pounds of tobacco for a free school in Northampton 
County; in 1668, Captain Henry King, of Isle of Wight 
County, gave one hundred acres of land for the main¬ 
tenance of a free school, and in 1675, Henry Peasly, of 
Gloucester County, gave six hundred acres of land, ten 
cows and a breeding mare for the education of the children 
of Abingdon and Ware Parishes; “This school continued 
its work for eighty years without interruption.” 

In 1691, Hugh Campbell gave two hundred acres of 
land, in each of the three counties of Norfolk, Isle of 
Wight and Nansemond for the support of persons to 



INFLUENCE OF RELIGION 


253 


teach school, and in 1700, William Horton endowed a free 
school in Westmoreland County. 

“Mrs. Mary Whaley established a free school in York 
county in 1706, Samuel Sanford one in Accomac, on the 
eastern shore, in 1710, and William Broadribes one in 
James City County about the same time.” 

There was no free public school system in any of the 
Colonies in pre-Revolutionary times, but the people of 
Virginia began and continued establishing these free 
schools until there was one or more in every county. 
“Whenever such schools were wanting,” says Dr. Tyler, 
“the citizens clubbed together and organized private 
schools, of which there were sometimes as many as four 
in a Parish.” 

In 1703, Beverly, the Virginia Historian, wrote that 
“free schools for the education of children in many parts 
of the country ** had been founded by the legacies of 
well inclined gentlemen, and the management hath been 
commonly left to the direction of the County Courts, or 
the Vestry of their respective Parishes.” 

There are many Acts of the House of Burgesses, and 
orders of the Courts concerning the education of children. 

In 1641, an Act was passed by the House of Burgesses, 
providing that all “Masters of families shall send their 
children and servants to the minister to be instructed 
and catechised.” “The County Courts supervised the 
vestries, and held a yearly “Orphans Court,” which 
looked after the material and educational welfare of 
orphans.” 

In 1642, the House of Burgesses passed an Act, 



254 


THE PILGRIMS 


providing that all overseers and guardians of such orphans 
are enjoined by the authorities “to educate and instruct 
them according to their best endeavors in Christian re¬ 
ligion and in the rudiments of learning.” 

In 1655, an Act was passed, providing that orphans 
should be “educated upon the interest of the estate, if 
it will bear it, according to the proportion of the estate.” 
It was further made the duty of the Courts to inquire 
whether orphans be kept, maintained and educated 
according to their estates. 

As the Colonists pushed their way back from the coast, 
and made homes for their families in remote districts, 
counties were organized and courts were established in 
each county. The Mother Church followed these English 
settlers into the wilderness, and the country was divided 
into parishes, and a church was established in each Parish. 
In 1671, there were forty-eight parishes in the colony, 
and at least one church and a minister in every parish. 

In order to provide for the education of the children, 
whether in the thickly settled or remote parts of the coun¬ 
try, “the vestries of the different churches had the super¬ 
vision of all poor children in their parishes and saw that 
they were taught reading and writing.” 

These acts of generosity, and the provisions for educa¬ 
tion through the courts and vestries evidence a deep 
interest, a liberal and broad minded attitude of the weal¬ 
thy, the intelligent and ruling classes in Virginia, in the 
education of all children. 

In order to provide for the education of children of the 
better and wealthier classes private schools and academies 



255 


INFLUENCE OF RELIGION 

were established. These were patronized not only by the 
wealthy, but by many of the humbler people. Beginning 
as early as 1619, those who were able to do so, either 
employed tutors in their families to teach their children, 
or educated them in England. 

It was inevitable, that Colonies in the New World 
should suffer from many undesirable emigrants. Virginia, 
as well as New England, was afflicted with them. But 
in Virginia the undesirable class passed away without 
leaving their impress upon the country. 

The Virginia Colonists, in the main, were a very different 
type from those of Plymouth. Of the one hundred and 
five who came to Jamestown in May, 1607, about one-half 
were classed as “gentlemen.” Notwithstanding the dis¬ 
paraging expressions of historians, these “gentlemen” were 
the men who endured the hardships and disease, and sur¬ 
vived, while the laborers died during that fatal sickness 
of the first year. 

The better type of Colonists continued to come to 
Virginia in large numbers in the early years of the Colony. 
During Cromwellian times, especially, and for years 
afterwards thousands of the aristocracy, merchants, and 
men of the better classes emigrated to Virginia. In the 
midst of the hardships, privations, sickness, disease and 
famine, this class, from better physical condition, intelli¬ 
gence in caring for themselves, sheer force of will and 
courage, survived. The lower mentality of the unde¬ 
sirables,—the criminal convicts and servant class, their 
ignorance in caring for themselves, their physical unfit¬ 
ness and weakened constitutions, without the will power 





256 


THE PILGRIMS 


and courage to sustain them, caused them to succumb 
to the hard labor, privations, disease and the climate. 
They died by the thousands. According to Mr. Jefferson, 
“the mortality among the white servants was so dreadful, 
that the descendants of the undesirable and convict class 
at the time of the revolution, after a century and a half, 
would not exceed four thousand.” The doctrine of the 
survival of the fittest obtained in Virginia. 

Governor Spottswood wrote in 1710, “I have observed 
less swearing and prophaneness, less drinking and de¬ 
bauchery, less undesirable feuds and animosities and less 
knavery and villanys, in Virginia, than in any part of 
the world where my lot has been.” Hammond, in “Leah 
and Rachel,” says, that “he was an eye witness in Eng¬ 
land to more deceits and villainies in four months than 
he saw or heard mentioned in Virginia in twenty years 
abode there.” 

It was this better class, these “gentlemen” and their 
descendants, who dominated the social, economic, poli¬ 
tical, and religious life of Virginia in Colonial days. Under 
their leadership, Virginia grew in prosperity, wealth, 
culture, and in statesmanship. The descendants of these 
emigrants, largely, conceived and directed the policies 
of our Country during our early, experimental stages in 
democracy. 

They believed that liberty and independence could only 
be preserved by a stable government based on law and order. 

Virginia was the “Cradle of our Republic.” 

The restraints of law and orderly government never 
appealed to the intolerant nature of the Puritan. 



INFLUENCE OF RELIGION 


257 


During pre-revolutionary days, they were ever defiant, 
even to the extent of violence, of interference with their 
policies; nor did peace with the Mother Country bring 
tranquility to the New England Colonies. 

Liberty was construed by them as license. An attempt 
was made to substitute mob rule for law and order. 

In 1786, mobs grew to an army of sixteen thousand 
men under the leadership of Captain Daniel Shay. These 
insurrectionists refused to pay taxes, and marched from 
place to place closing the Courts to prevent the collection 
of debts. They were against all government. 

“My boys,” ‘one of these insurrectionists cried’ “you 
are going to fight for liberty. If you wish to know what 
liberty is, I will tell you. It is for every man to do what 
he pleases, to make other folks do as you please to have 
them, and to keep folks from going to the devil.” 

In the Parliament building in London, there are two 
historical paintings, one on either side of the corridor 
leading from the House of Commons to the House of 
Lords. On the one side, the artist has painted the Puritan 
with cropped hair and stern countenance, pushing his 
boat into the waters bound for the New World. On the 
opposite wall, the artist has painted the type that colonized 
Virginia,—a figure with an aristocratic bearing and noble 
face, with his hair falling to his shoulders, his ruffles, 
velvet coat, silken hose and silver shoe buckles. There is 
a refinement and intellectual force in this Colonist that 
only an association with the finer things in life can give. 
There is no greater strength of character in his face than 
in that of the Puritan, but the artist has caught the vision, 



258 


THE PILGRIMS 


and portrayed in the face and mien of this Virginian that 
subtle and intangible inheritance of generations of men 
surrounded with the refinements of education, culture, 
art, painting, music and literature. 

There were very few non-conformists and dissenters in 
Virginia. These Colonists were of the Established 
Church. The gentler teachings of Christ and the New 
Testament were not there superceded by the harsher 
tenets and merciless cruelties of the Mosaic Laws. The 
Church followed the settlers into the wilderness; ministers 
were sent and houses of worship were built in these 
outlying parishes. The clergymen were teachers as well as 
ministers. 

The Virginia clergy, Meade says, during the century 
and a half of colonial days, were intelligent, well educated, 
and with few exceptions, moral, of good character and 
Christian gentlemen. For nearly a century these men 
were educated in the Universities of England, and later, 
at the College of William and Mary. 

Although of the Established Church, yet the Colonists 
were tolerant. The instances of intolerance recorded in 
history were by the Royal Governors, and not by the 
Colonists. 

The English Church brought the finer things into the 
lives of the people. Its architecture, painting, sculpture, 
music and literature, its rich and beautiful ceremonies 
created a love for the beautiful in the people; its ritual 
and prayers brought the soul in closer touch with the 
Divine Master. These English Colonists transplanted 
their Anglican Church in the wilderness of Virginia, and 



__ INFLUENCE OF RELIGION _ 259 

found in it the solace, comfort, and safeguards of re¬ 
ligion, through its holy associations and ministries. 

Alike, in the wilderness, on the banks of the James and 
the shores of the Chesapeake, the holy and sacred ordi¬ 
nances of the church were observed. The minister was 
there, uniting youth and maiden in marriage, baptizing 
the little ones, bringing the consolations of religion to 
the sorrowing, and performing the last sad rites at the 
grave of the beloved dead. These Virginia Colonists 
were surrounded by those sacred and spiritual influences 
that tend to keep the lives of men and women sweet and 
pure; that developed all that was noblest and best in the 
pioneer life of the Colonists. 

These Churches, with their appeals to the highest and 
best in men, and these clergymen devoting their lives 
to the cultivation of the religious and spiritual in the set¬ 
tlers, could not have had other than a refining influence 
on the people. 

The Virginia Colonists brought with them a love and 
reverence for the customs of their English homes and the 
institutions of the Chinch. They kept in close touch 
with their friends and relatives across the sea; England 
was still home to them. The Pilgrims and Puritans, 
however, came to New England to escape these insti¬ 
tutions, both of Church and State. 

Many of the Virginia homes and estates had their 
gardens, modeled after those at home. Their children 
were educated either in England or in the schools in Vir¬ 
ginia. While in the remote districts the opportunities 
for education could not have been otherwise than limited, 




260 


THE PILGRIMS 


yet they received the rudiments and as good an education 
as the children in the rural districts of England. 

These settlers brought with them into the wilderness 
the influences of association with education in the older 
settlements of Virginia. Some of the ablest men in the 
“Continental Congress” and Constitutional Conventions 
were from the backwoods of Virginia. It is said, that the 
English classics and the Spectator were found in many 
homes. The libraries of these settlers, of which there 
were many, were not confined to works on theological 
subjects. The polished and courtly William Byrd, of 
Westover, in 1718, possessed a library of nearly four 
thousand volumes. It was not a collection of books, 
merely, on theological subjects. It was the library of a 
cultured and broad minded gentleman, containing books 
on all subjects,—secular, religious, scientific, political, 
historical, the classics and general literature. 

This survey of conditions enables us to understand 
the statement of the traveler, J. F. D. Smythe, who said, 
in 1773, that in Virginia “The first class are here more 
respectable and numerous than in any other province 
in America. These in general have had a liberal educa¬ 
tion, possess enlightened understanding and a thorough 
knowledge of the world that furnishes them with an 
ease and freedom of manners and conversation highly to 
their advantage in exterior, which no vicissitude of for¬ 
tune or place can divest them of.” 



Chapter XXXVIII 

CONCLUSION 

W AS it the voice of God, or the persuasive appeals, 
and the desire of ambitious leaders to plant a 
Colony in the New World, that called these Leyden 
Separatists to America? Was it not the alluring picture 
of material, rather than spiritual welfare, that induced 
them to emigrate? 

The inspiring motive of these leaders was not to found 
a church in the wilderness, where their people would be 
free from the authority and ceremonials of the English 
Church, nor that they might lead the savages to a know¬ 
ledge of the gospel. If the Church was in their minds, 
it was that it might be used as a foundation upon which 
they could build their civil government. Their dream 
was not of a spiritual, but a temporal kingdom. 

These leaders did, in fact, control the life, and shape 
the destiny of the Colony. William Bradford and Ed¬ 
ward Winslow were the Supreme Rulers for a period of 
thirty-five years, and Josiah Winslow, a son of Edward 
Winslow, Thomas Prence and Thomas Hinckley during 
the remainder of the life of Plymouth as an independent 
colony. Plymouth Colony, under their rule, had but a 
comparatively short and inglorious existence. It did 
not survive because its Rulers did not possess those 


261 


262 


THE PILGRIMS 


broad ideals of democracy, which would have given it 
the right to a place in the sisterhood of Colonies which 
gave birth to our Nation. 

“Some men are bom great,” and “some achieve great¬ 
ness.” These Pilgrim Fathers were neither born great, 
nor did they achieve greatness. They have been clothed 
with all the virtues; righteousness and religious zeal have 
been ascribed to them; they have been invested with the 
wisdom of far-seeing statesmen who caught the vision of 
a nation—a democracy, “of the people, by the people and 
for the people.” But these virtues and attributes were 
created for them by posterity. To the poet, the artist 
and historians of New England belong the credit for 
creating a deeply religious people, and endueing them 
with the virtues, wisdom and statesmanship which pro¬ 
duced our nation. 

These men were not of the stuff of which empire builders 
are made. Neither from early environment, native 
ability, experience, education, religious tolerance, or know¬ 
ledge of state-craft, were they fitted to found a nation. 
The farthest from their thought, was universal liberty 
of conscience and religious freedom, or of a civil govern¬ 
ment where all the people should have a voice. An 
Oligarchy was their dream and aim. 

They encouraged and fostered neither the school nor 
the Church, neither education nor religion,—the chief 
cornerstones of a democracy. 

Liberty, equality of rights, the franchise to all men, 
education, humanitarianism, the Church, the Christian re¬ 
ligion and “liberty of conscience,”—these are the virtues 



CONCLUSION 


263 


that elevate a people and society to the heights in national 
life. The Pilgrim Fathers lived on the lower levels of civil 
and religious life. They never looked above the foot 
hills to the heights beyond where sits enthroned—true 
democracy. 

To one who studies the history of Plymouth Colony, 
it is apparent that the Pilgrim Fathers did not in any 
way, influence the intellectual, moral, religious or poli¬ 
tical life of our nation. 





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265 


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